维基百科

环境和性取向

环境和性取向的研究是指环境可能对人类性取向产生的影响，一些学者将环境影响和激素影响分开[1]。但也有一些学者将生物学上的影响，如产前激素影响视为环境影响的一部分[2]。

科学家至今仍不知道性取向的确切成因，但多认为其是遗传、激素和环境的相互作用所致的结果[3][4][5]。和性取向认同不同的是，科学家们不认为性取向是可以选择的[3][4][6]。

尽管目前没有实质性证据表明早期童年经历或抚养方式能影响一个人的性取向[7][8]，但一些研究认为抚养方式或家庭环境跟非异性恋式的自我认同、童年性别不协调以及同性恋相关[2][9][10][11][12]。

性取向跟性取向认同之对比 编辑

一般情况下人们不会区分性取向和性取向认同；这可能会影响评估性认同以及“性取向能否改变”的准确度；性取向认同在人的一生中可能会发生变化，其可能会，也有可能不会跟生理性别、性行为和实际的性取向一致[13][14][15]。尽管多伦多市成瘾与精神健康中心（英语：Centre for Addiction and Mental Health）和美国精神医学学会指出，性取向是固定终生不变的，而一些则可以在一生中发生某种变化[16][17]，但美国心理学会则区分了性取向和性取向认同，视前者为固有的爱慕倾向；后者则可在一生中发生某种变化[18]。科学家及精神健康专家并不视性取向为一种选择[1][6]。

美国心理学会指出：“性取向并不是一种随意志改变的选择……性取向的形成涉及到一系列的环境、认知和生物性因子……并在人生早期阶段形成……证据表明包括遗传因子和胚胎时期所接触的激素在内，生物学因子在一个人的性方面扮演着重要角色[4]”，并指出：“性取向认同不像性取向般，其可因精神治疗、支援团体，以及人生事件而变化[18]”。美国精神医学学会指出：“个体可在人生不同阶段意识到自己为异性恋者、男同性恋者、女同性恋者、双性恋者……并反对任何基于同性恋本身就是一种精神障碍的假设，并先验地假设当事人应改变其同性恋倾向的疗法，包括转换疗法和修复疗法”不过他们亦对同性恋肯定式精神治疗表示赞同[17]。

丽莎·黛蒙德（英语：Lisa M. Diamond）这一位学者在回顾众多关于女双性恋者和女同性恋者的性认同的研究后得出结论，指其发现：“与‘同性之性’相关的变化和流动性与传统固定、一致，并于早年发展的性取向样式相矛盾”[19]，不过其于后来指出性取向认同流动（英语：Sexual fluidity）并不意味着性取向能够改变，而只是“意味着性取向不是女性爱慕倾向的唯一决定因素”，并指“大部分女性的性取向不会产生变化”[20]。

童年性别不协调 编辑

研究者发现童年时的性别不协调此一指标，能在很大程度上预测成年后的同性爱慕倾向[10][11][12][21]。达里尔·贝姆（英语：Daryl Bem）指出有些孩童会明显偏好于从事在文化上一般属于另一性别的活动。从事与社会性别角色一致的活动会使性别协调的孩童产生“自体跟另一性别的同龄人不一样”的感受；而性别不协调的孩童则会认为“自体跟同一性别的同龄人不一样”。

贝尔曼和布鲁克纳指出，跟女性同时出生的男性（异卵双生）报称受同性吸引的可能性较非如此者高出了一倍，除非在其之上还有一位哥哥。他们表示其发现可通过以下假设来解释——童年早期和前青春期的性别社会化程度降低会促使当事人产生同性爱慕倾向。他们认为性别相异的双胞胎的父母更有可能以较不考虑性别的方式照料他们；而一位哥哥的存在则有助于弟弟的性别社会化进程[10]。不过他们的研究并没有发现性别社会化进程影响性取向的直接证据[22]。而事实上迄今也没有证据能把童年时的性别社会化进程跟性取向联系起来[22] 。几项双胞胎研究则表明，几乎所有在同一性取向人群的家庭所找到的相似点都是由基因引起的[22][23]。青少年报称受同性吸引的比例显著高于实际从事同性性行为的比例，因为受同性吸引的青少年还需要等待一个机会才能从事之。由于该些机会明显是社会建构的，所以研究者估计社会环境对性行为的影响大于对爱慕倾向的影响[10]。

家庭的影响 编辑

研究者亦提出了证据，指与非同性恋者的父亲相比，男同性恋者的父亲较排斥及少于关爱自身；其还与母亲维持较亲密的关系。一些研究者认为这可能表明童年的家庭经历是同性恋形成的重要决定因子[24]，或只是父母对其子女的非常规性别表现所作出的反应[25][26]。迈克尔·鲁斯认为两者在不同的例子下皆可能正确[27]。

徐毕卿等人曾对275名台湾男士兵进行过研究，他们的结论认为“‘父亲的保护’和‘产妇护理情况’为男性发展同性恋倾向的脆弱性因素……发展同性恋倾向的关键因子为对父亲存有依恋、内向和神经质”[28]。一项研究指出，男同性恋者比女同性恋者更趋向于报称在童年时跟母亲拥有一段正面的关系[29]。2000年发表的一项美国双生子研究指出，包括部分遗传因素在内，家庭因素会影响（但不是直接塑造）一个人的性取向[30]。

研究还表明男同性恋者比女同性恋者拥有明显较多的哥哥，其数量还明显高于男异性恋者[31]。2006年的一项丹麦研究比对了跟异性结婚与和跟同性结婚的人群，发现前者跟父母年纪较少、父母年纪差较少、父母关系稳定、拥有大量的兄弟姐妹，以及出生顺序较晚显著相关。与在完整家庭中长大的孩子相比，经历父母离婚的较不可能与异性结婚。对于男性的情况而言，“跟同性结婚”与母亲年纪较大、父母离异、欠父亲管教、在众多手足中排行最小有关。对于女性的情况而言，青少年时期母亲因孕产怀孕而死亡、和“自身为独子、家庭中唯一的女或在众多手足中排行最小”这两点皆与“跟同性结婚”的可能性增加有关[24]。

2008年的一项双生子研究结论道，男性的同性性行为并不受家庭环境或共享环境影响；对女性的同性性行为而言则只有很少的影响[2]。在一项对409对同性恋兄弟（包括双生子）进行基因分析的研究中，研究者发现了有力证实“一些男同性恋者生来如此”的证据。这项研究的研究对象数目为以前同类型研究的三倍，增加其在统计学上的效度。它的结论把性取向与人类基因组中的两个区域（Xq28、8q12）联系起来，此一关系亦于以前同类研究中发现[32]。然而该研究的主要负责人艾伦·桑德斯则指出：“性取向等复杂特征是多种因素所塑造的，当中包括环境因素和遗传因素”[33]。X染色体上有一处区域称为Xq28，该区域由美国国立卫生研究院的迪恩·哈默于1993年首次确认；8q12位于第8号染色体上，并于2005年首次确认[34][35]。

抚养方式 编辑

尽管目前没有实质性证据表明早期童年经历或抚养方式能影响一个人的性取向[7][8]，但研究者卡梅伦于2006年发表的一项研究发现“家长的性倾向会影响下一代的性倾向”[36]。一项于2010年发表的研究再次确认了此一结果，并指出“尽管多次尝试的结果偏向于虚无假设，且63项研究中多达20项（32％）出现错误，但卡梅伦于2006年发表的研究假设是值得相信的——其假设拥有同性恋倾向的家长的子女更有可能是同性恋者、双性恋者，或疑性恋者……社会和家长这两个因素可能会影响当事人对非异性恋式认同和/或行为的表达”[9]。比尔曼则反指社会化经历尽管可能会塑造当事人的性欲望，但其不会影响当事人成年后的性取向；并指遗传因子可能于当中扮重要角色——其先影响一个人的爱慕倾向，继而影响其行为[10]。

出生顺序 编辑

主条目：出生顺序和男性性倾向关系

几项研究指出，在当事人之上每多一个兄长，该名男性发展同性恋倾向的可能性便会增加28-48％。大多数研究者将此一现象归结于产前环境因素影响，比如产前激素[37][38][39][40]。莫加南于2006年发表的研究则表示，该些效应的强度跟爱慕同性的程度之间不存在任何关系，并指出生顺序对性取向的影响完全是一项社会性进程[41]。

城市环境 编辑

爱德华·劳曼（英语：Edward Laumann）等人在《性的社会组织：美国人的性行为》一著中指出，同性恋倾向与当事人在14岁时的居住地城市化程度正相关。相关情况在当中男性更为显著。他们假设：“大城市可能提供了一个适合的环境去发展及表达同性爱慕倾向”[42][43]。劳曼于其后发表的著作《城市的性组织》中进一步阐述了这一想法，其于当中指出性取向的展现取决于“性市场”存在与否，和是否拥有让特定性取向者可以聚集的场所[44]。

与出生于丹麦农村地区的人相比，出生于丹麦首都地区的同辈较有可能跟同性结婚[24]。

性虐待史 编辑

美国精神医学学会指出：“目前还没有找到特定的家庭动态因素或心理因素会使人出现同性恋倾向，包括儿时有否遭受性虐待。与日后自认为异性恋者的儿童相比，性虐待并不在日后自认为男同性恋者、女同性恋者、双性恋者的儿童当中更为盛行”[7]。

《美国医学会杂志》的一项研究指出：“与同侪相比，遭受虐待的青少年于日后自认为同性恋者和双性恋者的可能性大了7倍，对于男性的情况而言更是如此”。然而该研究并没有说明受害者在受害之前是否自认为同性恋者和双性恋者，令人们不能得知他们的非异性恋取向和认同是否该些虐待所造成的。且没有纵向研究能够确定性虐待和性取向之间的因果关系[45]。

另外一项研究发现“46%的男同性恋者报称遭受同性猥亵，相比下男异性恋者只有7%。22%的女同性恋者报称遭受同性猥亵，相比下女异性恋者只有1%”[46]。然而这项研究遭受了一些批评[47][48]，批评点包括其为非临床研究、使用欠代表性的样本、没有提供研究中的同性恋者从何找来的资料[49]、论文结果与解释存有矛盾、原始研究跟论文和期刊中得出的结论存有矛盾、暗示自我认同为同性恋者是遭受性虐待的结果，尽管研究中68％的男性和62％的女性在遭受猥亵前已自认为同性恋者[47]。此一研究同样受到在很小的时候就意识到同性爱慕倾向的人的批评，人们通常会在自认为同性恋者之前就意识到他们的同性爱慕倾向。然而该研究只向参与者询问他们自认为同性恋者的年龄，而不询问他们意识到同性爱慕倾向的年龄，因此无法“确定他们是在意识到同性爱慕倾向之前还是之后才发生虐待”[47] 。人们也无法靠这项研究推断出性虐待与同性恋之间的因果关系[47]。该研究指出：“研究中的同性恋参与者可能不能代表[所有]同性恋者……猥亵可能不会成为任一性别的非异性恋取向因子”[50][46]。更进一步的批评指这项研究并没有在调查问卷中使用“猥亵”一词，而是使用“性接触”，接着在分析数据吋把“性接触”换成“猥亵”[51]。还有批评指其过分依赖保罗·卡梅隆（英语：Paul Cameron）的研究。卡梅隆被美国心理学会开除，并受到美国社会学协会、加拿大心理学会和内布拉斯加心理学协会的共同谴责，因为他一直误解和歪曲有关性、男同性恋和女同性恋的科学研究[52][53]。

一项发表在《性行为档案》的30年纵向研究显示，尽管有过童年性虐待史的人更有可能报称拥有同性性伴侣，但他们并不能找到“童年遭受虐待及疏忽看管跟成年同性恋倾向之间的任何显著因果关系”。与没有经历者相比，童年时经历身体虐待、性虐待或疏忽看管的男女所报称的同性性伴侣数量较多，跟同性同居的比例亦较高[54]。该研究的著者推测：“性虐待可能导致当事人对性取向存有疑惑，并令其更踊于把同性恋关系及异性恋关系皆尝试一遍，但可能不会影响最终的性取向”[54]。

相关条目 编辑

参考资料 编辑

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  46. ^ 46.0 46.1 Tomeo, M.E.; Templer D.L. Comparative data of childhood adolescence molestation in heterosexual and homosexual persons. Archives of Sexual Behavior. 2001, 30 (5): 535–541. PMID 11501300. doi:10.1023/A:1010243318426. 
  47. ^ 47.0 47.1 47.2 47.3 Throckmorton, Warren. A major study of child abuse and homosexuality revisited. Patheos.com. [2015-10-14]. （原始内容存档于2015-10-27）. 
  48. ^ Gerry Dantone. Anti-gay Activism and the Misuse of Science (PDF). centerforinquiry.net. Center for Inquiry: 5–8. [2015-11-12]. （原始内容存档 (PDF)于2017-08-15）. 
  49. ^ Gerry Dantone. Anti-gay Activism and the Misuse of Science (PDF). centerforinquiry.net. Center for Inquiry. [2015-11-12]. （原始内容存档 (PDF)于2017-08-15）. it was a non-clinical study and the data concerning homosexuals was gathered by setting up an interview booth at a “Gay Pride” parade while the data for heterosexuals was gathered at a college. Did the signage attracting participants at the Gay Pride parade booth ask specifically for victims of abuse who were willing to tell their story? The study does not say anything on this point – we do not know how participants were attracted. How likely is it that all the persons who took the questionnaire at the booth just happened to be gay, as it is claimed in this study? [...] Meanwhile, the data on heterosexuals was obtained at colleges; is this a group that one could then compare to persons attracted by unknown means to a booth at a gay pride parade? Can one then ethically extrapolate the findings to the general public? [...] A non-clinical and flawed study with a much skewed sample that even the authors suggest may not be representative. 
  50. ^ Tomeo, M.E.; Templer D.L. Comparative data of childhood adolescence molestation in heterosexual and homosexual persons. Archives of Sexual Behavior. 2001, 30 (5): 535–541. PMID 11501300. doi:10.1023/A:1010243318426. It must also be borne in mind that the present homosexual participants may not be representative of homosexual persons. The overwhelming preponderance of homosexual participants was in the gay pride group. There were only three homosexual men and seven homosexual women in the college group. 
  51. ^ Gerry Dantone. Anti-gay Activism and the Misuse of Science (PDF). centerforinquiry.net. Center for Inquiry. [2015-11-12]. （原始内容存档 (PDF)于2017-08-15）. Another interesting aspect of this study is the use of the word “molestation.” In the questionnaire given to participants, the word “molestation” is never used; “sexual contact” is used. What does this phrase mean to the various participants? Does it mean one thing to those participating in a festive Gay Pride Parade and something quite different to a student at a perhaps more subdued or introspective University setting? Since 84% of gay men and 95% of women considered themselves gay before the “sexual contact” according to the study, could it be something less nefarious than, for example, forcible rape they were recounting? Could it be that the college students were only counting more disturbing experiences, such as forcible rape? Of course it is possible the two groups were defining “sexual contact” in precisely the same manner, but we really should not have to assume such a thing; our doubts are due to the absence of pertinent info from the researchers – this should have been made clear. The study does not even attempt to quantify these probably relevant differences in these two groups. And, instead of continuing to use the phrase “sexual contact” in their closing discussions, the authors of the study switch to “molestation” in their analysis of the data 
  52. ^ Gerry Dantone. Anti-gay Activism and the Misuse of Science (PDF). centerforinquiry.net. Center for Inquiry. [2015-11-12]. （原始内容存档 (PDF)于2017-08-15）. Also cited in the Tomeo, et al. report are studies conducted by Paul Cameron that supported the contention that gays are more likely to have been molested and to molest others [...] The American Sociological Association has criticized Dr. Cameron, stating that "Cameron has consistently misinterpreted and misrepresented sociological research on sexuality, homosexuality, and lesbianism" and that he was kicked out of the American Psychological Association. Further, in a court case in 1985, a judge saw fit to characterize Paul Cameron’s “expert” testimony thusly: Second, this Court reaffirms its findings that Dr. Simon and Dr. Marmor were very credible witnesses and that their qualifications were impeccable. In contrast, Dr. Paul Cameron--the basis of the claim that Drs. Simon and Marmor committed fraud in their testimony--has himself made misrepresentations to this Court. For example: (i) his sworn statement that "homosexuals are approximately 43 times more apt to commit crimes than is the general population" is a total distortion of the Kinsey data upon which he relies--which, as is obvious to anyone who reads the report, concerns data from a non-representative sample of delinquent homosexuals (and Dr. Cameron compares this group to college and non-college heterosexuals); (ii) his sworn statement that "homosexuals abuse children at a proportionately greater incident than do heterosexuals" is based upon the same distorted data--and, the Court notes, is directly contrary to other evidence presented at trial besides the testimony of Dr. Simon and Dr. Marmour. (553 F. Supp. 1121 at 1130 n.18.) n309 Yes, this study used data from this same researcher without commenting on his questionable credibility and the possible fraudulence of his data. 
  53. ^ UC Davis. Paul Cameron Bio and Fact Sheet. [2013-05-13]. （原始内容存档于2018-12-28）. 
  54. ^ 54.0 54.1 Wilson, H. W.; Widom, C. S. Does Physical Abuse, Sexual Abuse, or Neglect in Childhood Increase the Likelihood of Same-sex Sexual Relationships and Cohabitation? A Prospective 30-year Follow-up. Archives of Sexual Behavior. 2009, 39 (1): 63–74. PMID 19130206. doi:10.1007/s10508-008-9449-3. 
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