必異規則
必異規則(Obligatory Contour Principle;簡稱:OCP、硬性語音結構原則、必要起伏原則、無雙原則、強制性非同值原則、強制曲拱制約條件)是一種語音假說,指出(某些)連續相同的顯著特點(distinctive feature)都被禁止出現在底層表述上。
背景考慮
编辑在音韻學一種很普遍的觀念即是沒有詞素允許包含兩個連續的聲調。如果兩個連續的高聲調在一個語素上出現,那麼有些規則必須應用上去。(Odden1986) 也許表層高元音之一是"底層高調",而另一個是"底層無調"(underlyingly toneless)。因為所有元音在表層必須有聲調(在這假設性的語言裡),然後一個元音的高聲調擴散到其他地方(請參見:自动段音韵学)。另外,由於一些規則的應用、一個元音(或兩個)可能已經開始有了低聲調、且變為高聲調;或者有低聲調介於兩個高音調之間、而這些高聲調在某些時候又被刪除。無論如何,在語素的詞彙條目上、必異規則認為在底層的詞素不能存有兩個連續的高音調(或兩個連續的低聲調等)。
歷史
编辑必異規則的"最有權威性的章節"(locus classicus)Leben (1973)上論說關於底層表述是基於"排除相同聲調序列"進而構成"約束詞性的詞素結構"。在"自動段音韻學"(Goldsmith 1976)上明白的概念闡述是介於"特色旋律"(featural melody)和"骨幹單元"(skeletal unit)(即CV音韻學,參見<McCarthy 1979, McCarthy 1981, Steriade 1982, Clements & Keyser 1983>)、"音節長度音韻學"(moraic phonology、<Hyman 1985, Hayes 1989>)之間的關聯,因此必異規則被認為是相關於"相鄰的單向鍊旋律"(adjacent singly linked melody)、而不是"雙向鍊旋律"(doubly linked melody)。
參考文獻
编辑- Alderete, John, Dissimilation as local conjunction, K. Kusumoto (编), Proceedings of North East Linguistic Society 27 (PDF), Amherst: Graduate Linguistic Student Association: 17–31, 1997 [2014-03-01], (原始内容存档 (PDF)于2020-01-20).
- Clements, George N; Keyser, S. J., CV Phonology, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1983.
- Goldsmith, John, Autosegmental Phonology, 1976. PhD dissertation, MIT.
- Hayes, Bruce, Compensatory lengthening in moraic phonology, Linguistic Inquiry, 1989, 20: 253–306. Scanned 2MB (页面存档备份,存于互联网档案馆) Searchable 5MB (页面存档备份,存于互联网档案馆)
- Hyman, Larry M., A theory of phonological weight, Dordrecht: Foris, 1985
- Leben, William, Suprasegmental Phonology, 1973. PhD dissertation, MIT. Distributed by Indiana University Linguistics Club.
- McCarthy, John J, Formal problems in Semitic phonology and morphology (PDF), 1979, (原始内容 (PDF)存档于2006-08-30). PhD dissertation, MIT.
- McCarthy, John J, A prosodic theory of non-concatenative morphology (PDF), Linguistic Inquiry, 1981, 12: 373–418, (原始内容 (PDF)存档于2006-09-04).
- McCarthy, John J, OCP effects: Gemination and antigemination (PDF), Linguistic Inquiry, 1986, 17: 207–263, (原始内容 (PDF)存档于2006-09-04).
- Odden, David, On the role of the Obligatory Contour Principle in phonological theory, Language, 1986, 62: 353–383.
- Odden, David, Anti anti-gemination and the OCP, Linguistic Inquiry, 1988, 19: 451–475.
- Prince, Alan; Smolensky, Paul, Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar (PDF), Malden, MA and Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 2004 [2014-03-01], (原始内容存档 (PDF)于2020-08-07).
- Steriade, Donca, Greek prosodies and the nature of syllabification, 1982. PhD dissertation, MIT.
- Yip, Moira, The Obligatory Contour Principle and phonological rules: a loss of identity, Linguistic Inquiry, 1988: 65–100.