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Ahmad ibn Tulun
أحمد بن طولون‎
Emir of Egypt and Syria
Rule15 September 868 – 10 May 884
前任Azjur al-Turki (as governor for the Abbasid Caliphate in Egypt), Amajur al-Turki (as governor for the Abbasid Caliphate in Syria)
繼任Khumarawayh ibn Ahmad ibn Tulun
出生約 (835-09-20)835年9月20日
(23rd Ramadan, 220 AH)
Baghdad
逝世884年5月10日(884歲—05—10)（48歲）
al-Qata'i
Abbasid Caliphate
子嗣al-Abbas, Khumarawayh, Rabi'ah, Shayban, and others
DynastyTulunid dynasty
父親Tulun
宗教信仰Sunni Islam

艾哈邁德·本·突倫（阿拉伯語：أحمد بن طولون‎，羅馬化：Aḥmad ibn Ṭūlūn；約835年9月20日 – 884年5月10日），簡稱伊本·突倫，是895-905年間統治埃及、敘利亞的突倫王朝的創立者。他原本是突厥人奴隸兵，後於868年被阿拔斯王朝哈里發派去管理埃及。四年之內，他驅逐了哈里發派來的財政監督伊本·穆德比爾（英語：Abu'l-Hasan Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Abdallah ibn al-Mudabbir），接管了埃及的財政，還建立了一支龐大的只忠於自己的軍隊，使自己事實上獨立於中央政權。當時阿拔斯王朝宮廷的政治形勢十分混亂，且哈里發的攝政穆瓦法格（英語：Al-Muwaffaq）忙於應對伊朗的薩法爾王朝、鎮壓黑奴的起義，這種形勢有利於伊本·突倫建立自己的統治。他注重於在埃及建立有效的管理體系，實行稅制改革，修復灌溉系統等一系列舉措，使得埃及政府的財政收入顯著增長，作為新體制的象徵，他還在舊首府福斯塔特以北建立了新都蓋塔伊（英語：Al-Qata'i）。

875/76年[註 1]後，伊本·突倫與哈里發國攝政穆瓦法格爆發公開衝突，後者試圖撤換他，但沒有成功。878年，在穆瓦法格之弟哈里發穆阿台米德（870-892年在位）的支持下，伊本·突倫接管了敘利亞及與拜占庭帝國接壤的關隘地帶（英語：Al-Awasim）（但對塔爾蘇斯的控制很薄弱）。他留守埃及的長子阿拔斯（英語：Al-Abbas ibn Ahmad ibn Tulun）趁父親在敘利亞時試圖奪權，但被擊敗，導致他選擇次子胡馬賴韋為繼承人。882年，他的主要將領盧厄盧厄（Lu'lu'）叛逃到穆瓦法格一邊，塔爾蘇斯也不再服從他，迫使他返回敘利亞。有名無實的哈里發穆阿台米德試圖擺脫哥哥的控制，逃到伊本·突倫的領地，但在途中被穆瓦法格的手下抓獲，伊本·突倫聞訊則在大馬士革召集教法學家，譴責穆瓦法格的叛逆。883年他嘗試收復塔爾蘇斯，但沒有成功且在返回埃及的陸上病倒了。884年5月，他在埃及去世，兒子胡馬賴韋繼位。

伊本·突倫是第一個不僅能建立自己的獨立政權，且能將其傳給子孫的阿拔斯哈里發國重要省份的總督。這是埃及自托勒密王朝以來第一次成為獨立的政治力量的中心，並將其影響力輻射到敘利亞與馬格里布的一部分。伊本·突倫的王朝為此後數百年間的以埃及為中心的穆斯林政權——伊赫什德王朝、法蒂瑪王朝、阿尤布王朝、馬穆魯克蘇丹國奠定了基調。

史料來源

編輯

幾位中世紀史家寫過有關伊本·突倫的作品。最重要的史料來源是兩位10世紀史家伊本·達葉（Ibn al-Daya）與貝萊維（英語：Al-Balawī）撰寫的伊本·突倫傳記，書名都叫 《艾哈邁德·本·突倫傳》（阿拉伯語：سِيرَة أحمد بن طولون，Sirat Ahmad ibn Tulun），貝萊維作品中的許多內容都源於伊本·達葉的作品，但他的記載範圍比後者更廣。伊本·達葉的另一部作品《報應之書》（阿拉伯語轉寫：Kitab al-mukafa'a）記載了突倫王朝時代埃及的一些社會逸聞。與伊本·突倫同時代地理學者、旅行家葉耳孤比的著作包含他在埃及統治的最初幾年的情況。15世紀的埃及史家伊本·杜格麥格（Ibn Duqmaq）和麥格里齊（英語：Al-Maqrizi）使用各種早期史料撰寫了突倫王朝的歷史。13-16世紀的部分穆斯林編年史家在其作品中提及伊本·突倫及其手下的官員，但這些記載時代較晚，可信度不高（尤其是與伊本·杜格麥格、麥格里齊的作品相比）[1][2]。

生涯

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早期生活

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艾哈邁德·本·突倫出生於回曆220年齋月23日（公元835年9月20日）或稍後的時期，出生地大概是巴格達[3][4]。他的父親突倫是突厥人，來自被阿拉伯人稱為Tagharghar或Toghuz[o]ghuz（突厥語「九姓」，指的是回鶻汗國）的地區[5]。回曆200年（公元815/16年），薩曼家族的布哈拉長官努赫·本·阿薩德（英語：Nuh ibn Asad）俘虜了包括突倫在內的一批突厥人，並將他們作為貢賦的一部分送給當時正在呼羅珊駐紮的阿拔斯哈里發麥蒙（813-833年在位）[6][7]。819年麥蒙回到首都巴格達後，將這些突厥人奴隸編成一支奴隸軍團（古拉姆），交給其弟，後來成為哈里發的穆阿台綏姆（833-842年在位）指揮[8]。突倫在這支部隊中表現出色，最終成為哈里發親衛隊的長官[6]。艾哈邁德的母親名叫嘎希姆（Qasim），是他父親的女奴。突倫於854/55年去世後，一些史料稱嘎希姆又與突厥將領拜阿克貝克（名字寫作Bayakbak或Bakbak）結婚，但伊本·達葉（Ibn al-Daya）與貝萊維（英語：Al-Balawī）的作品中沒有出現相關記載，因此這種說法可能不符合事實[6][9]。根據貝萊維的記載，父親死後，艾哈邁德被耶勒貝赫（Yalbakh）收養。耶勒貝赫當年與突倫一起被俘，兩人關係親密，臨死之前，突倫把自己的妻兒託付給他，此後耶勒貝赫便對艾哈邁德視若己出[10]。

年輕的艾哈邁德·本·突倫接受了全面的教育，在哈里發國的新都薩邁拉接受軍事訓練，還到塔爾蘇斯學習伊斯蘭神學，並因淵博的知識、虔誠苦行的生活方式而出名[6][11]。他在突厥同胞中是個受歡迎的人物，他們會向他傾訴秘密、把自己的金錢甚至女人託付給他[12]。在塔爾蘇斯生活時，他還參加了與拜占庭帝國的邊境戰鬥[13]，並結識了突厥人將領耶爾朱赫（Yarjukh），娶了他的女兒麥朱爾（一說名khatun，即突厥貴族女性頭銜「可敦」），後來與她生下長子阿拔斯（英語：Al-Abbas ibn Ahmad ibn Tulun）與女兒法蒂瑪（Fatimah）[14][12]。The sources also report that during his time at Tarsus, Ibn Tulun had ties to Caliph al-Mutawakkil's vizier Ubayd Allah ibn Yahya ibn Khaqan, and the latter's cousin Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Khaqan.[12] On one occasion, while returning to Samarra, he saved a caravan bearing a caliphal envoy returning from Constantinople from a Bedouin raiding party, and accompanied it to Samarra. This act gained him the favour of Caliph al-Musta'in (r. 862–866), as well as a thousand gold dinars and the hand of the slave Miyas, the mother of his second son, Khumarawayh.[15][16] When the Caliph abdicated and went into exile at Wasit in 866, he chose Ibn Tulun to be his guard. Qubayha, the mother of the new caliph, al-Mu'tazz (r. 866–869), schemed to remove the deposed al-Musta'in, and offered Ibn Tulun the governorship of Wasit if he would murder him. Ibn Tulun refused and was replaced by another, who carried out the deed. Ibn Tulun himself played no part in the assassination, but gave his master a burial and returned to Samarra.[15][17][16]

擔任埃及總督

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Spiral Minaret of the Mosque of Ibn Tulun in Cairo

Already under Caliph al-Mu'tasim, senior Turkish leaders began being appointed as governors of provinces of the Caliphate as a form of appanage. Thereby they secured immediate access to the province's tax revenue for themselves and their troops, bypassing the civilian bureaucracy. The Turkish generals usually remained close to the centre of power in Samarra, sending deputies to govern in their name.[18][19] Thus when al-Mu'tazz gave Bakbak charge of Egypt in 868, Bakbak in turn sent his stepson Ahmad as his lieutenant and resident governor. Ahmad ibn Tulun entered Egypt on 27 August 868, and the Egyptian capital, Fustat, on 15 September.[6][16]

Ibn Tulun's position after his appointment was far from undisputed within his province. As governor of Fustat he oversaw the province's garrison and was the head of the Muslim community as recognized in his title of 'overseer of the army and the Friday prayer' (wali al-jaysh wa'l-salat), but the fiscal administration, in particular the collection of the land tax (kharaj) was in the hands of the powerful veteran administrator Ibn al-Mudabbir.[20] The latter had been appointed as fiscal agent (amil) already since 約861, and had rapidly become the most hated man in the country as he doubled the taxes and imposed new ones on Muslims and non-Muslims alike.[20] Ibn Tulun quickly signalled his intention to be sole master of his province: on his arrival at Fustat, when both Ibn al-Mudabbir and Shukayr, the head of the postal service (barid) and of correspondence with the caliphal government, came out to meet him with a gift of 10,000 dinars, he refused to accept it.[21] For the next four years, Ibn Tulun and his rivals fought via their emissaries and relatives at the caliphal court in Samarra to neutralize each other; in the end, Ibn Tulun managed to secure Ibn al-Mudabbir's transfer to Syria in July 871, and assumed collection of the kharāj himself. At the same time, Ibn Tulun also secured the dismissal of Shukayr, who died shortly after. Thus by 872 Ibn Tulun had assumed control of all branches of the administration in Egypt, becoming de facto independent of the Abbasid central government.[6][20][21]

At the time of Ibn Tulun's appointment, Egypt was undergoing a transformative process. In 834 its early Muslim elite, the Arab settler families (jund) of Fustat, lost their privileges and government pay, and power passed to officials sent by the Abbasid court. At about the same time, for the first time the Muslim population began surpassing the Coptic Christians in numbers, and the rural districts were increasingly subject to both Arabization and Islamization.[22] The rapidity of this process, and the influx of settlers after the discovery of gold and emerald mines at Aswan, meant that Upper Egypt in particular was only superficially controlled by the local governor.[23][24] Furthermore, the persistence of internecine strife and turmoil at the heart of the Abbasid state—the so-called "Anarchy at Samarra"—led to the appearance of millennialist revolutionary movements in the province under a series of Alid pretenders.[25][26] One of them was Ibn al-Sufi, a descendant of Ali's son Umar, who rebelled in late 869 and massacred the populace of Esna. In winter 870 he defeated an army sent against him by Ibn Tulun, but was driven to the oases of the desert in spring. He remained there until he was defeated in a struggle with another regional strongman, Abu Abdallah ibn Abd al-Hamid al-Umari in 872, fleeing to Mecca. There he was seized and imprisoned for a while by Ibn Tulun. One of his followers, Abu Ruh Sukun, rebelled in the oases in 873/4 and was successful enough for Ibn Tulun to offer him an amnesty. Ibn al-Sufi's vanquisher, al-Umari, was another descendant of Ali who had created an autonomous principality around the gold mines, defeating the forces sent against him.[26] Another revolt broke out in 874/5 by the governor of Barqa, Muhammad ibn al-Faraj al-Farghani. Ibn Tulun tried to reconcile with him at first but was eventually forced to send an army to besiege and storm the city, although the reprisals were limited. The re-imposition of his authority over Barqa, however, led to the strengthening of ties with Ifriqiya to the west, including, according to Ibn al-Athir, the erection of a series of lighthouses and messaging beacons along the coast.[26]

In the meantime, in Palestine, the local governor, Isa ibn al-Shaykh al-Shaybani, had used the anarchy in Iraq to set up a quasi-independent Bedouin regime, intercepting the tax caravans from Egypt and threatening Damascus. When Caliph al-Muhtadi ascended the throne in July 869, he offered a general amnesty, and wrote to Ibn al-Shaykh, offering a pardon in exchange for him handing over the treasure he had wrongfully appropriated. When Ibn al-Shaykh refused, the Caliph ordered Ibn Tulun to march against him.[27] Ibn Tulun complied and began a mass purchase of black African (Sudan) and Greek (Rum) slaves to form an army over the winter of 869/70, but no sooner had he arrived at al-Arish with his army in summer 870 than orders came to turn back.[28][29][30] Ibn al-Shaykh's revolt was crushed soon after by another Turkish soldier, Amajur al-Turki, who continued to govern Syria for the Abbasids until his death in 878.[31] This episode was nevertheless of major importance as it allowed Ibn Tulun to recruit an army of his own with caliphal sanction. The Tulunid army, which eventually grew to reportedly 100,000 men—other sources give a breakdown of 24,000 Turkish ghilman and 42,000 black African and Greek slaves, as well as a mercenary corps composed mostly of Greeks[32][33]—became the foundation of Ibn Tulun's power and independence.[6][34] For his personal protection, Ibn Tulun reportedly employed a corps of ghilmān from Ghur.[35]

Ibn Tulun's stepfather Bakbak was murdered in 869/70, but luckily for him in the summer of 871 the supervision of Egypt passed to his father-in-law Yarjukh. Yarjukh not only confirmed Ibn Tulun in his post, but in addition conferred to him the authority over Alexandria and Barqa.[6][20] In 873, Ibn Tulun entrusted the government of Alexandria to his eldest son, Abbas.[20] Ibn Tulun's growing power was manifested in the establishment of a new palace city to the northeast of Fustat, called al-Qata'i, in 870. The project was a conscious emulation of, and rival to, the Abbasid capital Samarra. Just like Samarra, the new city was designed as quarters for Ibn Tulun's new army with the aim of reducing frictions with the urban populace of Fustat. Each unit received an allotment or ward (whence the city's name) to settle, after which the ward was named. The new city's centrepiece was the Mosque of Ibn Tulun, which was built in 878–880 under the supervision of the Mesopotamian Christian architect Ibn Katib al-Farghani. A royal palace adjoined the mosque, and the rest of the city was laid out around them. Beside government buildings, it included markets, a hospital (al-bimaristan) that provided services free of charge, and a hippodrome.[36][37][38] Nevertheless, Ibn Tulun himself preferred to reside in the Coptic monastery of Qusayr outside Fustat.[39]

伊本·突倫的新體制

編輯

The administration of Egypt was already well developed before Ibn Tulun's arrival, with a number of departments (diwans) responsible for the collection of the land tax, the supervision of the post, the public granaries (diwan al-ahra), the Nile Delta lands (diwan asfal al-ard), and possibly a privy purse (diwan al-khass) for the governor's personal use.[40] A chancery (diwan al-insha) possibly also already existed, or else was established under Ibn Tulun, when he remodelled the Egyptian administration after the Abbasid central government. Most of the officials employed by Ibn Tulun were like him trained in the caliphal court at Samarra. Ibn Tulun's chancellor was the capable Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Abd al-Kan (died 891), while other important positions in the administration were held by the four Banu al-Muhajir brothers and Ibn al-Daya.[40] Al-Balawi also reports several anecdotes about Ibn Tulun's extensive use of spies and his own ability to uncover spies sent against him, and claims that the chancery was established so that Ibn Tulun could check up on every piece of correspondence with the caliphal court.[41]

Unsurprisingly, given his own origins as a slave soldier, Ibn Tulun's regime was in many ways typical of the "ghulam system" that became one of the two main paradigms of Islamic polities in the 9th and 10th centuries, as the Abbasid Caliphate fragmented and new dynasties emerged. These regimes were based on the power of a regular army composed of ghilman, but in turn, according to Hugh Kennedy, "the paying of the troops was the major preoccupation of government".[42][43] It is therefore in the context of the increased financial requirements that in 879, the supervision of the finances in Egypt and Syria passed to Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Madhara'i, the founder of the al-Madhara'i bureaucratic dynasty that dominated the fiscal apparatus of Egypt for the next 70 years.[40][43] Although, as Zaky M. Hassan notes, "fragmentary evidence does not permit a thorough assessment of Tulunid economic and financial policies", it appears that the peace and security provided by the Tulunid regime, the establishment of an efficient administration, and repairs and expansions to the irrigation system, coupled with a consistently high level of Nile floods, resulted in a major increase in revenue.[33][44] By the time of Ibn Tulun's death, income from the land tax alone had risen from 800,000 dinars under Ibn al-Mudabbir to the sum of 4.3 million dinars, and Ibn Tulun bequeathed his successor a fiscal reserve of ten million dinars.[33][45] Crucial to this was the reform of the tax assessment and collection system, including the introduction of tax farming—which at the same time led to the rise of a new landholding class. Additional revenue was collected from commercial activities, most notably textiles and in particular linen.[44]

Ibn Tulun's regime was highly centralized, but also featured "consistent attempts to win the backing of Egypt's commercial, religious and social élite", according to Zaky M. Hassan. Notably, the wealthy merchant Ma'mar al-Jawhar functioned both as Ibn Tulun's personal financier and as the head of an informal intelligence network through his contacts in Iraq.[44] A further "notable characteristic" of Ibn Tulun's rule, according to historian Thierry Bianquis, was "the quality of relations it maintained with Christians and Jews";[46] according to a letter by the Patriarch of Jerusalem, Elias III, when he took over Palestine, he appointed a Christian as governor of Jerusalem, and possibly even of the provincial capital, Ramla, thereby putting an end to the persecution of Christians and allowing the renovation of churches.[47]

擴張至敘利亞

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Map of the Tulunid domains following the conquest of Syria, 約881

9世紀70年代初期，阿拔斯王朝的政治局勢發生重大變化as the Abbasid prince al-Muwaffaq emerged as the de facto regent of the empire, sidelining his brother, Caliph al-Mu'tamid (r. 870–892). Officially, al-Muwaffaq controlled the eastern half of the Caliphate, while al-Mu'tamid's son and first heir al-Mufawwad controlled the western, with the aid of the Turkish general Musa ibn Bugha. In reality al-Muwaffaq held the actual reins of power.[6][48] Al-Muwaffaq however was preoccupied with the more immediate threats to the Abbasid government presented by the rise of the Saffarids in the east and by the Zanj Rebellion in Iraq itself, as well as with keeping in check the Turkish troops and managing the internal tensions of the caliphal government. This gave Ibn Tulun the necessary space to consolidate his own position in Egypt. Ibn Tulun kept himself out of the Zanj conflict, and even refused to recognize al-Mufawwad as his suzerain, who in turn did not confirm him in his position.[6][49]

Open conflict between Ibn Tulun and al-Muwaffaq broke out in 875/6, on the occasion of a large remittance of revenue to the central government. Counting on the rivalry between the Caliph and his over-mighty brother to maintain his own position, Ibn Tulun forwarded a larger share of the taxes to al-Mu'tamid instead of al-Muwaffaq: 2.2 million dinars went to the Caliph and only 1.2 million dinars to his brother.[13] Al-Muwaffaq, who in his fight against the Zanj considered himself entitled to the major share of the provincial revenues, was angered by this, and by the implied machinations between Ibn Tulun and his brother. Al-Muwaffaq sought a volunteer to replace him, but all the officials in Baghdad had been bought off by Ibn Tulun and refused. Al-Muwaffaq sent a letter to the Egyptian ruler demanding his resignation, which the latter predictably refused. Both sides geared for war. Ibn Tulun created a fleet and fortified his borders and ports, including Alexandria, and a new fortress on Rawda Island to protect Fustat. Al-Muwaffaq nominated Musa ibn Bugha as governor of Egypt and sent him with troops to Syria. In the event, due to a combination of lack of pay and supplies for the troops, and the fear generated by Ibn Tulun's army, Musa never got further than Raqqa. After ten months of inaction and a rebellion by his troops, Musa returned to Iraq.[50][51][52] In a public gesture of support for al-Mu'tamid and opposition to al-Muwaffaq, Ibn Tulun would assume the title of "Servant of the Commander of the Faithful" (mawlā amīr al-muʾminīn) in 878.[13]

Ibn Tulun now seized the initiative. Having served in his youth in the border wars with the Byzantine Empire at Tarsus, he now requested to be conferred the command of the frontier districts of Cilicia (the Thughur). Al-Muwaffaq initially refused, but following the Byzantine successes of the previous years al-Mu'tamid prevailed upon his brother and in 877/8 Ibn Tulun received responsibility for the entirety of Syria and the Cilician frontier. Ibn Tulun marched into Syria in person. He received the submission of the son of Amajur, who had recently died, whom he appointed governor at Ramla, and proceeded to take possession of Damascus, Homs, Hama, and Aleppo.[13][43] At Damascus Ibn Tulun encountered his old rival Ibn al-Mudabbir, who since his eviction from Egypt had served as Amajur's amil for Palestine and Damascus. Ibn al-Mudabbir was fined 600,000 dinars and thrown into prison, where he died in 883/4.[13] In the rest of the provincial administration, however, he largely left the people who had served under Amajur in place. Only the governor of Aleppo, Sima al-Tawil, resisted, and fled to Antioch. Ibn Tulun laid siege to the city until Sima was killed, reportedly by a local woman.[53] He then continued on to Tarsus, where he began preparing for a campaign against the Byzantines. The presence of his numerous soldiers, however, led to a rapid rise in prices, causing great hostility among the Tarsians, who demanded that he either leave or reduce his army. At this juncture, news arrived from Egypt that his son Abbas, whom he had left as his regent, was preparing to usurp his position under the influence of his entourage.[53] Ibn Tulun hastily withdrew from Tarsus, but as more information about the situation in Egypt began to arrive, clarifying that Abbas posed no real threat, Ibn Tulun decided to spend more time in Syria and consolidate his authority. He redressed the injustices of Sima, installed troops in Aleppo (under his ghulam Lu'lu') and Harran, secured the co-operation of the Banu Kilab tribe and their leader Ibn al-Abbas, and captured the rebel Musa ibn Atamish.[53] At some point after his takeover of Syria, Ibn Tulun ordered the refortification of Akka, a task undertaken by Abu Bakr al-Banna, the grandfather of al-Muqaddasi, who provides a detailed description of the work.[54][55]

Only then, in April 879, did Ibn Tulun return to Egypt. Abbas fled west with his supporters, and from Barqa tried to take over Ifriqiya. Defeated by the Ifriqiyans (probably in the winter of 880–881), he retreated back east to Alexandria, where he was finally confronted and captured by Ibn Tulun's forces. After being publicly paraded seated on a mule, Ibn Tulun ordered his son to execute or mutilate his companions, who had driven him to rebel. Ibn Tulun reportedly secretly hoped that his son would refuse to do such a dishonourable act, but he agreed. Weeping, Ibn Tulun had Abbas whipped and imprisoned. He then named his second son, Khumarawayh, as his heir-apparent.[56]

最後時光

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Gold dinar of Ahmad ibn Tulun minted in Fustat in 881/2 with names of Abbasid caliph al-Mu'tamid and his Heir, al-Mufawwad

Following his return from Syria, Ibn Tulun added his own name to coins issued by the mints under his control, along with those of the Caliph and heir apparent, al-Mufawwad.[57] In the autumn of 882, the Tulunid general Lu'lu' defected to the Abbasids.[34][58] At the same time, the Tulunid-appointed governor of Tarsus and the Thughur died, and his replacement, Yazaman al-Khadim, with popular backing, refused to acknowledge Tulunid rule.[59] Ibn Tulun immediately left in person for Syria—taking the chained Abbas with him as a precaution—and headed for Tarsus. At Damascus, he received a message from al-Mu'tamid informing him that the by-now nearly powerless Caliph had escaped Samarra and was heading for Syria.[59] Taking custody of al-Mu'tamid would have immensely boosted Ibn Tulun's standing: not only would the sole source of political legitimacy in the Muslim world reside under his control, but he would also be able to pose as the "rescuer" of the Caliph.[57] Ibn Tulun therefore decided to halt and await al-Mu'tamid's arrival. In the event, however, the Caliph was overtaken at al-Haditha on the Euphrates by the governor of Mosul, Ishaq ibn Kundaj, who defeated the caliphal escort and brought him back to Samarra (February 883) and thence south to Wasit, where al-Muwaffaq could better control him.[59][60] This opened anew the rift between the two rulers: al-Muwaffaq nominated Ishaq ibn Kundaj as governor of Egypt and Syria—in reality a largely symbolic appointment—while Ibn Tulun organized an assembly of religious jurists at Damascus which denounced al-Muwaffaq as a usurper, condemned his maltreatment of the Caliph, declared his place in the succession as void, and called for a jihad against him. Only three participants, including the chief qadi of Egypt, Bakkar ibn Qutayba, refused to pronounce the call for jihad publicly. Ibn Tulun had his rival duly denounced in Friday sermons in the mosques across the Tulunid domains, while the Abbasid regent responded in kind with a ritual denunciation of Ibn Tulun.[61] Despite the belligerent rhetoric, however, neither made moves to confront the other militarily.[34][57]

After his failure to take control of the Caliph, Ibn Tulun turned on Tarsus. He appointed Abdallah ibn Fath in Lu'lu's place in Aleppo, and marched in person to Cilicia. The Egyptian ruler laid siege to Tarsus in autumn 883, but Yazaman diverted the local river, inundating the Tulunid camp and forcing Ibn Tulun to retreat. Ibn Tulun fell ill on his return to Egypt, and was carried to Fustat on a wheeled vehicle.[62] In the same year, a campaign to take over the two holy cities of Islam, Mecca and Medina, also failed.[35] Back in Egypt, he ordered Bakkar to be arrested and replaced him with Muhammad ibn Shadhan al-Jawhari. A thorough examination of Bakkar's accounts while head of the charitable endowments, however, revealed no misappropriations. Although Ibn Tulun ordered him released, the elderly and sick qadi refused to leave his cell.[62] At the same time, the illness of Ibn Tulun himself worsened. "Muslims, Christians and Jews, including women and children, converged separately upon the flank of the Muqattam to implore God to save him", as Bianquis writes, but Ibn Tulun died at Fustat on 10 May 884 and was interred on the slopes of the Muqattam.[63] According to al-Balawi, Ibn Tulun left his heir 24,000 servants, 7,000 men and 7,000 horses, 3,000 camels, 1,000 mules, 350 ceremonial horses, and 200 fully equipped warships.[64]

王朝繼承與滅亡

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伊本·突倫死後，胡馬賴韋在王朝上層的支持下得以平穩繼位[65]。 Ibn Tulun bequeathed his heir "with a seasoned military, a stable economy, and a coterie of experienced commanders and bureaucrats". Khumarawayh was able to preserve his authority against the Abbasid attempt to overthrow him at the Battle of Tawahin and even made additional territorial gains, but his extravagant spending exhausted the treasury, and his assassination in 896 began the rapid decline of the Tulunid regime.[66][67] Internal strife sapped Tulunid power. Khumarawayh's son Jaysh was a drunkard who executed his uncle, Mudar ibn Ahmad ibn Tulun; he was deposed after only a few months and replaced by his brother Harun ibn Khumarawayh. Harun too was a weak ruler, and although a revolt by his uncle Rabi'ah in Alexandria was suppressed, the Tulunids were unable to confront the attacks of the Qarmatians which began at the same time. In addition, many commanders defected to the Abbasids, whose power revived under the capable leadership of al-Muwaffaq's son, Caliph al-Mu'tadid (r. 892–902). Finally, in December 904, two other sons of Ibn Tulun, Ali and Shayban, murdered their nephew and assumed control of the Tulunid state. Far from halting the decline, this event alienated key commanders in Syria and led to the rapid and relatively unopposed reconquest of Syria and Egypt by the Abbasids under Muhammad ibn Sulayman al-Katib, who entered Fustat in January 905. With the exception of the great Mosque of Ibn Tulun, the victorious Abbasid troops pillaged al-Qata'i and razed it.[68][69][70]

子女

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根據貝萊維（英語：Al-Balawī）的記載，伊本·突倫的眾多妻子與妾侍共為他生下33個孩子，17個是男孩，16個是女孩，此處列出其名錄[71]：

  • 兒子：長子阿布·費德勒·阿拔斯（英語：Al-Abbas ibn Ahmad ibn Tulun）、阿布·傑什·胡馬賴韋、阿布·阿沙伊爾·穆德爾（Abū al-Ashāʾir Muḍar）、阿布·穆凱萊姆·賴比阿（Abū al-Mukarram Rabīʿah）、阿布·麥蓋尼卜·沙伊班（Abū al-Maqānib Shaybān）、阿布·納希德·利阿德（Abū Nāhiḍ 'Iyāḍ）、阿布·麥阿德·阿德南（Abū Maʿd ʿAdnān）、阿布·凱拉迪斯·凱茲賴傑（Abū al-Karādīs Kazraj）、阿布·海卜順·阿迪（Abū Ḥabshūn ʿAdī）、阿布·舒賈·金達（Abū Shujāʿ Kindah）、阿布·曼蘇爾·艾格拉布（Abū Manṣūr Aghlab）、阿布·萊赫傑·麥塞萊（Abū Lahjah Maysarah）、阿布·貝蓋厄·胡達（Abū al-Baqāʾ Hudā）、阿布·穆費韋德·加桑（Abū al-Mufawwaḍ Ghassān）、阿布·費萊傑·穆巴萊克（Abū al-Faraj Mubārak）、阿布·阿卜杜拉·穆罕默德（Abū ʿAbdallāh Muhammad）、阿布·費泰傑·穆扎法爾（Abū al-Fataj Muẓaffar）。
  • 女兒（只列出了15個名字）：法蒂瑪（Fāṭimah）、萊米斯（Lamīs）、（一個難以辨識的名字）、塞菲耶（Ṣafiyyah）、哈迪傑（Khadījah）、邁穆奈（Maymūnah）、麥爾耶姆（Maryam）、阿伊莎（ ʿĀʾishah）、烏姆·胡達（Umm al-Hudā）、穆厄米奈（Muʾminah）、阿茲澤（ʿAzīzah）、宰奈卜（Zaynab）、塞馬奈（Samānah）、撒拉（Sārah）、古賴萊（Ghurayrah）。

影響

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Map of the fragmented Abbasid empire, with areas still under direct control of the Abbasid central government (dark green) and under autonomous rulers (light green) adhering to nominal Abbasid suzerainty, 約892

雖然突倫王朝國祚不久，但伊本·突倫的統治對埃及甚至整個伊斯蘭世界都有着開創性的影響[65]。對埃及來說，伊本·突倫的統治是個轉折點，標誌着她自法老時代以來第一次擺脫外部帝國的控制，成為一個獨立政權的中心[72]。伊本·突倫所控制的土地——埃及、敘利亞、賈茲拉、奇里乞亞乃至馬格里布東部的一小部分與東面的穆斯林土地逐漸分離，自成一片政治天地，其邊界恰好與古典時期羅馬帝國-薩珊波斯的邊界相符[65]。為了將埃及建成自己的政治中心，伊本·突倫注重於恢復其經濟並建立一套獨立的官僚、陸海軍體系[35]。這種政策為之後同樣以埃及為基地的政權所繼續——伊赫什德王朝（935-969年）、法蒂瑪王朝（969-1171年）同樣利用埃及的資源控制了敘利亞的一部或大部[73][74][75]。who likewise used Egypt's wealth to establish control over parts or even most of Syria. Indeed, as Thierry Bianquis remarks, the territory ruled by Ibn Tulun in Syria was remarkably similar to that controlled by the later Egypt-based regimes of Saladin and the Mamluk Sultanate.[53]

According to the historian Matthew Gordon, Ibn Tulun's relations with, and quest for autonomy from, the Abbasids is a "central problem of Tulunid history". Modern scholars see in Ibn Tulun's policies a "careful balancing act" and notice that he never fully severed himself from the Caliphate, remaining conspicuously loyal to the person of al-Mu'tamid, who, after all, was a powerless figurehead. Nevertheless, the move towards increasing autonomy is evident throughout his reign.[76] His relations with the Abbasid government were dominated by his conflict with al-Muwaffaq, resulting from the latter's attempts to establish control over Egypt—whose wealth was direly needed during the costly war against the Zanj—and prevent the further rise of Ibn Tulun. In a certain sense, writes Matthew Gordon, many of Ibn Tulun's measures "were as much the means by which imperial interests were protected against the ambitions of al-Muwaffaq and his (largely Turkish) military coterie in Iraq as they were efforts to secure Tulunid authority". Given that Ibn Tulun at least twice (in 871 and 875/6) remitted huge sums to the caliphal treasury, it remains an open question whether without the conflict with al-Muwaffaq, this would have been a more regular occurrence.[76]

Nevertheless, in retrospective, Ibn Tulun's role in the wider context of Islamic history is as the herald of the Abbasid Caliphate's disintegration and the rise of local dynasties in the provinces. This became particularly evident with the succession of Khumarawayh: as Thierry Bianquis explains, "this was the first time in Abbasid history with regard to the government of so large and rich a territory, that a wāli, whose legitimacy derived from the caliph who had designated him, was succeeded openly by an amīr who claimed his legitimacy by inheritance".[77] Thus Zaky M. Hassan calls Ibn Tulun a "typical example of the Turkish slaves who from the time of Harun al-Rashid were enlisted in the private service of the caliph and the principal officers of state, and whose ambition and spirit of intrigue and independence [eventually made] them the real masters of Islam".[6]

注釋

編輯
  1. ^ 此條目中部分年份或月份是原始記載使用的伊斯蘭曆法的年與月轉為公曆而成，會橫跨公曆的兩年、兩個月，用「/」標識，下同。

引用

編輯
  1. ^ Swelim 2015，第9–13頁.
  2. ^ See also Swelim 2015，第13–23頁 on modern scholarship regarding Ibn Tulun and his works.
  3. ^ Becker 1987，第190頁.
  4. ^ Gordon 2001，第63頁.
  5. ^ Gordon 2001，第20頁.
  6. ^ 6.00 6.01 6.02 6.03 6.04 6.05 6.06 6.07 6.08 6.09 6.10 Hassan 1960，第278頁.
  7. ^ Gordon 2001，第19–20, 26頁.
  8. ^ Gordon 2001，第15–26頁.
  9. ^ Gordon 2001，第20, 63–64, 238 (note 128)頁.
  10. ^ Gordon 2001，第20, 68–70頁.
  11. ^ Swelim 2015，第26–27頁.
  12. ^ 12.0 12.1 12.2 Gordon 2001，第117頁.
  13. ^ 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 13.4 Bianquis 1998，第95頁.
  14. ^ Swelim 2015，第27–28頁.
  15. ^ 15.0 15.1 Corbet 1891，第529頁.
  16. ^ 16.0 16.1 16.2 Swelim 2015，第28頁.
  17. ^ Becker 1987，第190–191頁.
  18. ^ Corbet 1891，第528頁.
  19. ^ Kennedy 2004，第172, 308頁.
  20. ^ 20.0 20.1 20.2 20.3 20.4 Bianquis 1998，第92頁.
  21. ^ 21.0 21.1 Swelim 2015，第29頁.
  22. ^ Brett 2010，第550–556頁.
  23. ^ Brett 2010，第557頁.
  24. ^ Bianquis 1998，第92–93頁.
  25. ^ Brett 2010，第558頁.
  26. ^ 26.0 26.1 26.2 Bianquis 1998，第93頁.
  27. ^ Cobb 2001，第38–39頁.
  28. ^ Bianquis 1998，第94頁.
  29. ^ Brett 2010，第559頁.
  30. ^ Gil 1997，第300頁.
  31. ^ Cobb 2001，第39–41頁.
  32. ^ Kennedy 2004，第308頁.
  33. ^ 33.0 33.1 33.2 Bianquis 1998，第98頁.
  34. ^ 34.0 34.1 34.2 Becker 1987，第191頁.
  35. ^ 35.0 35.1 35.2 Gordon 2000，第617頁.
  36. ^ Brett 2010，第559–560頁.
  37. ^ Bianquis 1998，第99–100頁.
  38. ^ Corbet 1891，第530–531頁.
  39. ^ Bianquis 1998，第100頁.
  40. ^ 40.0 40.1 40.2 Bianquis 1998，第97頁.
  41. ^ Swelim 2015，第32–33頁.
  42. ^ Kennedy 2004，第206–208頁.
  43. ^ 43.0 43.1 43.2 Brett 2010，第560頁.
  44. ^ 44.0 44.1 44.2 Gordon 2000，第618頁.
  45. ^ Gil 1997，第307頁.
  46. ^ Bianquis 1998，第103頁.
  47. ^ Gil 1997，第308頁.
  48. ^ Bonner 2010，第320–321頁.
  49. ^ Bianquis 1998，第94–95頁.
  50. ^ Bianquis 1998，第95, 98–99頁.
  51. ^ Hassan 1960，第278–279頁.
  52. ^ Corbet 1891，第533頁.
  53. ^ 53.0 53.1 53.2 53.3 Bianquis 1998，第96頁.
  54. ^ Gil 1997，第252頁.
  55. ^ Bianquis 1998，第99頁.
  56. ^ Bianquis 1998，第96–97頁.
  57. ^ 57.0 57.1 57.2 Hassan 1960，第279頁.
  58. ^ Bianquis 1998，第100–101頁.
  59. ^ 59.0 59.1 59.2 Bianquis 1998，第101頁.
  60. ^ Kennedy 2004，第174, 177頁.
  61. ^ Bianquis 1998，第101–102頁.
  62. ^ 62.0 62.1 Bianquis 1998，第102頁.
  63. ^ Bianquis 1998，第102–103頁.
  64. ^ Swelim 2015，第34頁.
  65. ^ 65.0 65.1 65.2 Bianquis 1998，第104頁.
  66. ^ Bianquis 1998，第104–106頁.
  67. ^ Kennedy 2004，第181, 310頁.
  68. ^ Bianquis 1998，第106–108頁.
  69. ^ Gordon 2000，第616–617頁.
  70. ^ Kennedy 2004，第184–185, 310頁.
  71. ^ Al-Balawi 1939，第349頁.
  72. ^ Bianquis 1998，第89頁.
  73. ^ Bianquis 1998，第90頁.
  74. ^ Kennedy 2004，第312ff頁.
  75. ^ Brett 2010，第565ff頁.
  76. ^ 76.0 76.1 Gordon 2000，第617–618頁.
  77. ^ Bianquis 1998，第89–90, 103–104頁.

來源

編輯

延伸閱讀

編輯
  • Becker, Carl Heinrich. Beiträge zur Geschichte Ägyptens unter dem Islam 2. Strasbourg: Karl J. Trübner. 1903 （德語）. 
  • Bonner, Michael. Ibn Ṭūlūn's Jihad: The Damascus Assembly of 269/883. Journal of the American Oriental Society. 2010, 130 (4): 573–605. ISSN 0003-0279. JSTOR 23044559. 
  • Gordon, Matthew S. [[[:Template:Gbook]] Aḥmad ibn Ṭūlūn and the Politics of Deference] 請檢查|chapter-url=值 (幫助). Behnam Sadeghi; et al (編). Islamic Cultures, Islamic Contexts: Essays in Honor of Professor Patricia Crone. Leiden and Boston: BRILL. 2015: 226–256. ISBN 978-90-04-25201-1. 
  • Grabar, Oleg. [[[:Template:Gbook]] The coinage of the Ṭūlūnids] 請檢查|url=值 (幫助). ANS Numismatic Notes and Monographs 139. New York: American Numismatic Society. 1957. LCCN 58014523. 
  • Hassan, Zaky M. Les Tulunides, étude de l'Égypte musulmane à la fin du IXe siècle, 868–905. University of Paris. 1933 （法語）. 
  • Kashif, Sayyida Isma'll. Ahmad b. Tulun. Cairo: Mu'assasat al-Misnya al-'Amma. 1965 （阿拉伯語）. 
  • Randa, Ernest William Jr. The Tulunid Dynasty in Egypt: Loyalty and state formation during the dissolution of the 'Abbasid caliphate (學位論文). University of Utah. 1990. OCLC 34361121. 
  • Tillier, Mathieu. The Qāḍīs of Fusṭāṭ–Miṣr under the Ṭūlūnids and the Ikhshīdids: the Judiciary and Egyptian Autonomy. Journal of the American Oriental Society. 2011, 131: 207–222. 
  • Tillier, Mathieu. Dans les prisons d’Ibn Ṭūlūn. Pinon, Catherine (編). Savants, amants, poètes et fous. Séances offertes à Katia Zakharia. Beirut: Presses de l』Ifpo. 2019: 233–251. ISBN 978-2-35159752-1 （French）. 
前任者：
Azjur al-Turki
為governor of Egypt for the Abbasid Caliphate 		Tulunid emir of Egypt (de jure for the Abbasid Caliphate,
de facto autonomous)
15 September 868 – 10 May 884 		繼任者：
Khumarawayh ibn Ahmad ibn Tulun
前任者：
Amajur al-Turki
為governor of Syria for the Abbasid Caliphate 		Tulunid emir of Syria (de jure for the Abbasid Caliphate,
de facto autonomous)
877/8 – 10 May 884
取自「https://zh.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:Dkzzl/沙盒4&oldid=72169293」