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Ahmad ibn Tulun
أحمد بن طولون‎
Emir of Egypt and Syria
Rule15 September 868 – 10 May 884
前任Azjur al-Turki (as governor for the Abbasid Caliphate in Egypt), Amajur al-Turki (as governor for the Abbasid Caliphate in Syria)
繼任Khumarawayh ibn Ahmad ibn Tulun
出生约 (835-09-20)835年9月20日
(23rd Ramadan, 220 AH)
Baghdad
逝世884年5月10日(884歲—05—10)（48歲）
al-Qata'i
Abbasid Caliphate
子嗣al-Abbas, Khumarawayh, Rabi'ah, Shayban, and others
DynastyTulunid dynasty
父親Tulun
宗教信仰Sunni Islam

艾哈迈德·本·突伦（阿拉伯语：أحمد بن طولون‎，羅馬化：Aḥmad ibn Ṭūlūn；约835年9月20日 – 884年5月10日），简称伊本·突伦，是895-905年间统治埃及、叙利亚的突伦王朝的创立者。他原本是突厥人奴隶兵，后于868年被阿拔斯王朝哈里发派去管理埃及。四年之内，他驱逐了哈里发派来的财政监督伊本·穆德比尔（英语：Abu'l-Hasan Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Abdallah ibn al-Mudabbir），接管了埃及的财政，还建立了一支庞大的只忠于自己的军队，使自己事实上独立于中央政权。当时阿拔斯王朝宫廷的政治形势十分混乱，且哈里发的摄政穆瓦法格（英语：Al-Muwaffaq）忙于应对伊朗的萨法尔王朝、镇压黑奴的起义，这种形势有利于伊本·突伦建立自己的统治。他注重于在埃及建立有效的管理体系，实行税制改革，修复灌溉系统等一系列举措，使得埃及政府的财政收入显著增长，作为新体制的象征，他还在旧首府福斯塔特以北建立了新都盖塔伊（英语：Al-Qata'i）。

875/76年[註 1]后，伊本·突伦与哈里发国摄政穆瓦法格爆发公开冲突，后者试图撤换他，但没有成功。878年，在穆瓦法格之弟哈里发穆阿台米德（870-892年在位）的支持下，伊本·突伦接管了叙利亚及与拜占庭帝国接壤的关隘地带（英语：Al-Awasim）（但对塔尔苏斯的控制很薄弱）。他留守埃及的长子阿拔斯（英语：Al-Abbas ibn Ahmad ibn Tulun）趁父亲在叙利亚时试图夺权，但被击败，导致他选择次子胡马赖韦为继承人。882年，他的主要将领卢厄卢厄（Lu'lu'）叛逃到穆瓦法格一边，塔尔苏斯也不再服从他，迫使他返回叙利亚。有名无实的哈里发穆阿台米德试图摆脱哥哥的控制，逃到伊本·突伦的领地，但在途中被穆瓦法格的手下抓获，伊本·突伦闻讯则在大马士革召集教法学家，谴责穆瓦法格的叛逆。883年他尝试收复塔尔苏斯，但没有成功且在返回埃及的陆上病倒了。884年5月，他在埃及去世，儿子胡马赖韦继位。

伊本·突伦是第一个不仅能建立自己的独立政权，且能将其传给子孙的阿拔斯哈里发国重要省份的总督。这是埃及自托勒密王朝以来第一次成为独立的政治力量的中心，并将其影响力辐射到叙利亚与马格里布的一部分。伊本·突伦的王朝为此后数百年间的以埃及为中心的穆斯林政权——伊赫什德王朝、法蒂玛王朝、阿尤布王朝、马穆鲁克苏丹国奠定了基调。

史料来源

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几位中世纪史家写过有关伊本·突伦的作品。最重要的史料来源是两位10世纪史家伊本·达叶（Ibn al-Daya）与贝莱维（英语：Al-Balawī）撰写的伊本·突伦传记，书名都叫 《艾哈迈德·本·突伦传》（阿拉伯语：سِيرَة أحمد بن طولون，Sirat Ahmad ibn Tulun），贝莱维作品中的许多内容都源于伊本·达叶的作品，但他的记载范围比后者更广。伊本·达叶的另一部作品《报应之书》（阿拉伯语转写：Kitab al-mukafa'a）记载了突伦王朝时代埃及的一些社会逸闻。与伊本·突伦同时代地理学者、旅行家叶耳孤比的著作包含他在埃及统治的最初几年的情况。15世纪的埃及史家伊本·杜格麦格（Ibn Duqmaq）和麦格里齐（英语：Al-Maqrizi）使用各种早期史料撰写了突伦王朝的历史。13-16世纪的部分穆斯林编年史家在其作品中提及伊本·突伦及其手下的官员，但这些记载时代较晚，可信度不高（尤其是与伊本·杜格麦格、麦格里齐的作品相比）[1][2]。

生涯

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早期生活

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艾哈迈德·本·突伦出生于回历220年斋月23日（公元835年9月20日）或稍后的时期，出生地大概是巴格达[3][4]。他的父亲突伦是突厥人，来自被阿拉伯人称为Tagharghar或Toghuz[o]ghuz（突厥语“九姓”，指的是回鹘汗国）的地区[5]。回历200年（公元815/16年），萨曼家族的布哈拉长官努赫·本·阿萨德（英语：Nuh ibn Asad）俘虏了包括突伦在内的一批突厥人，并将他们作为贡赋的一部分送给当时正在呼罗珊驻扎的阿拔斯哈里发麦蒙（813-833年在位）[6][7]。819年麦蒙回到首都巴格达后，将这些突厥人奴隶编成一支奴隶军团（古拉姆），交给其弟，后来成为哈里发的穆阿台绥姆（833-842年在位）指挥[8]。突伦在这支部队中表现出色，最终成为哈里发亲卫队的长官[6]。艾哈迈德的母亲名叫嘎希姆（Qasim），是他父亲的女奴。突伦于854/55年去世后，一些史料称嘎希姆又与突厥将领拜阿克贝克（名字写作Bayakbak或Bakbak）结婚，但伊本·达叶（Ibn al-Daya）与贝莱维（英语：Al-Balawī）的作品中没有出现相关记载，因此这种说法可能不符合事实[6][9]。根据贝莱维的记载，父亲死后，艾哈迈德被耶勒贝赫（Yalbakh）收养。耶勒贝赫当年与突伦一起被俘，两人关系亲密，临死之前，突伦把自己的妻儿托付给他，此后耶勒贝赫便对艾哈迈德视若己出[10]。

年轻的艾哈迈德·本·突伦接受了全面的教育，在哈里发国的新都萨迈拉接受军事训练，还到塔尔苏斯学习伊斯兰神学，并因渊博的知识、虔诚苦行的生活方式而出名[6][11]。他在突厥同胞中是个受欢迎的人物，他们会向他倾诉秘密、把自己的金钱甚至女人托付给他[12]。在塔尔苏斯生活时，他还参加了与拜占庭帝国的边境战斗[13]，并结识了突厥人将领耶尔朱赫（Yarjukh），娶了他的女儿麦朱尔（一说名khatun，即突厥贵族女性头衔“可敦”），后来与她生下长子阿拔斯（英语：Al-Abbas ibn Ahmad ibn Tulun）与女儿法蒂玛（Fatimah）[14][12]。The sources also report that during his time at Tarsus, Ibn Tulun had ties to Caliph al-Mutawakkil's vizier Ubayd Allah ibn Yahya ibn Khaqan, and the latter's cousin Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Khaqan.[12] On one occasion, while returning to Samarra, he saved a caravan bearing a caliphal envoy returning from Constantinople from a Bedouin raiding party, and accompanied it to Samarra. This act gained him the favour of Caliph al-Musta'in (r. 862–866), as well as a thousand gold dinars and the hand of the slave Miyas, the mother of his second son, Khumarawayh.[15][16] When the Caliph abdicated and went into exile at Wasit in 866, he chose Ibn Tulun to be his guard. Qubayha, the mother of the new caliph, al-Mu'tazz (r. 866–869), schemed to remove the deposed al-Musta'in, and offered Ibn Tulun the governorship of Wasit if he would murder him. Ibn Tulun refused and was replaced by another, who carried out the deed. Ibn Tulun himself played no part in the assassination, but gave his master a burial and returned to Samarra.[15][17][16]

担任埃及总督

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Spiral Minaret of the Mosque of Ibn Tulun in Cairo

Already under Caliph al-Mu'tasim, senior Turkish leaders began being appointed as governors of provinces of the Caliphate as a form of appanage. Thereby they secured immediate access to the province's tax revenue for themselves and their troops, bypassing the civilian bureaucracy. The Turkish generals usually remained close to the centre of power in Samarra, sending deputies to govern in their name.[18][19] Thus when al-Mu'tazz gave Bakbak charge of Egypt in 868, Bakbak in turn sent his stepson Ahmad as his lieutenant and resident governor. Ahmad ibn Tulun entered Egypt on 27 August 868, and the Egyptian capital, Fustat, on 15 September.[6][16]

Ibn Tulun's position after his appointment was far from undisputed within his province. As governor of Fustat he oversaw the province's garrison and was the head of the Muslim community as recognized in his title of 'overseer of the army and the Friday prayer' (wali al-jaysh wa'l-salat), but the fiscal administration, in particular the collection of the land tax (kharaj) was in the hands of the powerful veteran administrator Ibn al-Mudabbir.[20] The latter had been appointed as fiscal agent (amil) already since 约861, and had rapidly become the most hated man in the country as he doubled the taxes and imposed new ones on Muslims and non-Muslims alike.[20] Ibn Tulun quickly signalled his intention to be sole master of his province: on his arrival at Fustat, when both Ibn al-Mudabbir and Shukayr, the head of the postal service (barid) and of correspondence with the caliphal government, came out to meet him with a gift of 10,000 dinars, he refused to accept it.[21] For the next four years, Ibn Tulun and his rivals fought via their emissaries and relatives at the caliphal court in Samarra to neutralize each other; in the end, Ibn Tulun managed to secure Ibn al-Mudabbir's transfer to Syria in July 871, and assumed collection of the kharāj himself. At the same time, Ibn Tulun also secured the dismissal of Shukayr, who died shortly after. Thus by 872 Ibn Tulun had assumed control of all branches of the administration in Egypt, becoming de facto independent of the Abbasid central government.[6][20][21]

At the time of Ibn Tulun's appointment, Egypt was undergoing a transformative process. In 834 its early Muslim elite, the Arab settler families (jund) of Fustat, lost their privileges and government pay, and power passed to officials sent by the Abbasid court. At about the same time, for the first time the Muslim population began surpassing the Coptic Christians in numbers, and the rural districts were increasingly subject to both Arabization and Islamization.[22] The rapidity of this process, and the influx of settlers after the discovery of gold and emerald mines at Aswan, meant that Upper Egypt in particular was only superficially controlled by the local governor.[23][24] Furthermore, the persistence of internecine strife and turmoil at the heart of the Abbasid state—the so-called "Anarchy at Samarra"—led to the appearance of millennialist revolutionary movements in the province under a series of Alid pretenders.[25][26] One of them was Ibn al-Sufi, a descendant of Ali's son Umar, who rebelled in late 869 and massacred the populace of Esna. In winter 870 he defeated an army sent against him by Ibn Tulun, but was driven to the oases of the desert in spring. He remained there until he was defeated in a struggle with another regional strongman, Abu Abdallah ibn Abd al-Hamid al-Umari in 872, fleeing to Mecca. There he was seized and imprisoned for a while by Ibn Tulun. One of his followers, Abu Ruh Sukun, rebelled in the oases in 873/4 and was successful enough for Ibn Tulun to offer him an amnesty. Ibn al-Sufi's vanquisher, al-Umari, was another descendant of Ali who had created an autonomous principality around the gold mines, defeating the forces sent against him.[26] Another revolt broke out in 874/5 by the governor of Barqa, Muhammad ibn al-Faraj al-Farghani. Ibn Tulun tried to reconcile with him at first but was eventually forced to send an army to besiege and storm the city, although the reprisals were limited. The re-imposition of his authority over Barqa, however, led to the strengthening of ties with Ifriqiya to the west, including, according to Ibn al-Athir, the erection of a series of lighthouses and messaging beacons along the coast.[26]

In the meantime, in Palestine, the local governor, Isa ibn al-Shaykh al-Shaybani, had used the anarchy in Iraq to set up a quasi-independent Bedouin regime, intercepting the tax caravans from Egypt and threatening Damascus. When Caliph al-Muhtadi ascended the throne in July 869, he offered a general amnesty, and wrote to Ibn al-Shaykh, offering a pardon in exchange for him handing over the treasure he had wrongfully appropriated. When Ibn al-Shaykh refused, the Caliph ordered Ibn Tulun to march against him.[27] Ibn Tulun complied and began a mass purchase of black African (Sudan) and Greek (Rum) slaves to form an army over the winter of 869/70, but no sooner had he arrived at al-Arish with his army in summer 870 than orders came to turn back.[28][29][30] Ibn al-Shaykh's revolt was crushed soon after by another Turkish soldier, Amajur al-Turki, who continued to govern Syria for the Abbasids until his death in 878.[31] This episode was nevertheless of major importance as it allowed Ibn Tulun to recruit an army of his own with caliphal sanction. The Tulunid army, which eventually grew to reportedly 100,000 men—other sources give a breakdown of 24,000 Turkish ghilman and 42,000 black African and Greek slaves, as well as a mercenary corps composed mostly of Greeks[32][33]—became the foundation of Ibn Tulun's power and independence.[6][34] For his personal protection, Ibn Tulun reportedly employed a corps of ghilmān from Ghur.[35]

Ibn Tulun's stepfather Bakbak was murdered in 869/70, but luckily for him in the summer of 871 the supervision of Egypt passed to his father-in-law Yarjukh. Yarjukh not only confirmed Ibn Tulun in his post, but in addition conferred to him the authority over Alexandria and Barqa.[6][20] In 873, Ibn Tulun entrusted the government of Alexandria to his eldest son, Abbas.[20] Ibn Tulun's growing power was manifested in the establishment of a new palace city to the northeast of Fustat, called al-Qata'i, in 870. The project was a conscious emulation of, and rival to, the Abbasid capital Samarra. Just like Samarra, the new city was designed as quarters for Ibn Tulun's new army with the aim of reducing frictions with the urban populace of Fustat. Each unit received an allotment or ward (whence the city's name) to settle, after which the ward was named. The new city's centrepiece was the Mosque of Ibn Tulun, which was built in 878–880 under the supervision of the Mesopotamian Christian architect Ibn Katib al-Farghani. A royal palace adjoined the mosque, and the rest of the city was laid out around them. Beside government buildings, it included markets, a hospital (al-bimaristan) that provided services free of charge, and a hippodrome.[36][37][38] Nevertheless, Ibn Tulun himself preferred to reside in the Coptic monastery of Qusayr outside Fustat.[39]

伊本·突伦的新体制

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The administration of Egypt was already well developed before Ibn Tulun's arrival, with a number of departments (diwans) responsible for the collection of the land tax, the supervision of the post, the public granaries (diwan al-ahra), the Nile Delta lands (diwan asfal al-ard), and possibly a privy purse (diwan al-khass) for the governor's personal use.[40] A chancery (diwan al-insha) possibly also already existed, or else was established under Ibn Tulun, when he remodelled the Egyptian administration after the Abbasid central government. Most of the officials employed by Ibn Tulun were like him trained in the caliphal court at Samarra. Ibn Tulun's chancellor was the capable Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Abd al-Kan (died 891), while other important positions in the administration were held by the four Banu al-Muhajir brothers and Ibn al-Daya.[40] Al-Balawi also reports several anecdotes about Ibn Tulun's extensive use of spies and his own ability to uncover spies sent against him, and claims that the chancery was established so that Ibn Tulun could check up on every piece of correspondence with the caliphal court.[41]

Unsurprisingly, given his own origins as a slave soldier, Ibn Tulun's regime was in many ways typical of the "ghulam system" that became one of the two main paradigms of Islamic polities in the 9th and 10th centuries, as the Abbasid Caliphate fragmented and new dynasties emerged. These regimes were based on the power of a regular army composed of ghilman, but in turn, according to Hugh Kennedy, "the paying of the troops was the major preoccupation of government".[42][43] It is therefore in the context of the increased financial requirements that in 879, the supervision of the finances in Egypt and Syria passed to Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Madhara'i, the founder of the al-Madhara'i bureaucratic dynasty that dominated the fiscal apparatus of Egypt for the next 70 years.[40][43] Although, as Zaky M. Hassan notes, "fragmentary evidence does not permit a thorough assessment of Tulunid economic and financial policies", it appears that the peace and security provided by the Tulunid regime, the establishment of an efficient administration, and repairs and expansions to the irrigation system, coupled with a consistently high level of Nile floods, resulted in a major increase in revenue.[33][44] By the time of Ibn Tulun's death, income from the land tax alone had risen from 800,000 dinars under Ibn al-Mudabbir to the sum of 4.3 million dinars, and Ibn Tulun bequeathed his successor a fiscal reserve of ten million dinars.[33][45] Crucial to this was the reform of the tax assessment and collection system, including the introduction of tax farming—which at the same time led to the rise of a new landholding class. Additional revenue was collected from commercial activities, most notably textiles and in particular linen.[44]

Ibn Tulun's regime was highly centralized, but also featured "consistent attempts to win the backing of Egypt's commercial, religious and social élite", according to Zaky M. Hassan. Notably, the wealthy merchant Ma'mar al-Jawhar functioned both as Ibn Tulun's personal financier and as the head of an informal intelligence network through his contacts in Iraq.[44] A further "notable characteristic" of Ibn Tulun's rule, according to historian Thierry Bianquis, was "the quality of relations it maintained with Christians and Jews";[46] according to a letter by the Patriarch of Jerusalem, Elias III, when he took over Palestine, he appointed a Christian as governor of Jerusalem, and possibly even of the provincial capital, Ramla, thereby putting an end to the persecution of Christians and allowing the renovation of churches.[47]

扩张至叙利亚

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Map of the Tulunid domains following the conquest of Syria, 约881

9世纪70年代初期，阿拔斯王朝的政治局势发生重大变化as the Abbasid prince al-Muwaffaq emerged as the de facto regent of the empire, sidelining his brother, Caliph al-Mu'tamid (r. 870–892). Officially, al-Muwaffaq controlled the eastern half of the Caliphate, while al-Mu'tamid's son and first heir al-Mufawwad controlled the western, with the aid of the Turkish general Musa ibn Bugha. In reality al-Muwaffaq held the actual reins of power.[6][48] Al-Muwaffaq however was preoccupied with the more immediate threats to the Abbasid government presented by the rise of the Saffarids in the east and by the Zanj Rebellion in Iraq itself, as well as with keeping in check the Turkish troops and managing the internal tensions of the caliphal government. This gave Ibn Tulun the necessary space to consolidate his own position in Egypt. Ibn Tulun kept himself out of the Zanj conflict, and even refused to recognize al-Mufawwad as his suzerain, who in turn did not confirm him in his position.[6][49]

Open conflict between Ibn Tulun and al-Muwaffaq broke out in 875/6, on the occasion of a large remittance of revenue to the central government. Counting on the rivalry between the Caliph and his over-mighty brother to maintain his own position, Ibn Tulun forwarded a larger share of the taxes to al-Mu'tamid instead of al-Muwaffaq: 2.2 million dinars went to the Caliph and only 1.2 million dinars to his brother.[13] Al-Muwaffaq, who in his fight against the Zanj considered himself entitled to the major share of the provincial revenues, was angered by this, and by the implied machinations between Ibn Tulun and his brother. Al-Muwaffaq sought a volunteer to replace him, but all the officials in Baghdad had been bought off by Ibn Tulun and refused. Al-Muwaffaq sent a letter to the Egyptian ruler demanding his resignation, which the latter predictably refused. Both sides geared for war. Ibn Tulun created a fleet and fortified his borders and ports, including Alexandria, and a new fortress on Rawda Island to protect Fustat. Al-Muwaffaq nominated Musa ibn Bugha as governor of Egypt and sent him with troops to Syria. In the event, due to a combination of lack of pay and supplies for the troops, and the fear generated by Ibn Tulun's army, Musa never got further than Raqqa. After ten months of inaction and a rebellion by his troops, Musa returned to Iraq.[50][51][52] In a public gesture of support for al-Mu'tamid and opposition to al-Muwaffaq, Ibn Tulun would assume the title of "Servant of the Commander of the Faithful" (mawlā amīr al-muʾminīn) in 878.[13]

Ibn Tulun now seized the initiative. Having served in his youth in the border wars with the Byzantine Empire at Tarsus, he now requested to be conferred the command of the frontier districts of Cilicia (the Thughur). Al-Muwaffaq initially refused, but following the Byzantine successes of the previous years al-Mu'tamid prevailed upon his brother and in 877/8 Ibn Tulun received responsibility for the entirety of Syria and the Cilician frontier. Ibn Tulun marched into Syria in person. He received the submission of the son of Amajur, who had recently died, whom he appointed governor at Ramla, and proceeded to take possession of Damascus, Homs, Hama, and Aleppo.[13][43] At Damascus Ibn Tulun encountered his old rival Ibn al-Mudabbir, who since his eviction from Egypt had served as Amajur's amil for Palestine and Damascus. Ibn al-Mudabbir was fined 600,000 dinars and thrown into prison, where he died in 883/4.[13] In the rest of the provincial administration, however, he largely left the people who had served under Amajur in place. Only the governor of Aleppo, Sima al-Tawil, resisted, and fled to Antioch. Ibn Tulun laid siege to the city until Sima was killed, reportedly by a local woman.[53] He then continued on to Tarsus, where he began preparing for a campaign against the Byzantines. The presence of his numerous soldiers, however, led to a rapid rise in prices, causing great hostility among the Tarsians, who demanded that he either leave or reduce his army. At this juncture, news arrived from Egypt that his son Abbas, whom he had left as his regent, was preparing to usurp his position under the influence of his entourage.[53] Ibn Tulun hastily withdrew from Tarsus, but as more information about the situation in Egypt began to arrive, clarifying that Abbas posed no real threat, Ibn Tulun decided to spend more time in Syria and consolidate his authority. He redressed the injustices of Sima, installed troops in Aleppo (under his ghulam Lu'lu') and Harran, secured the co-operation of the Banu Kilab tribe and their leader Ibn al-Abbas, and captured the rebel Musa ibn Atamish.[53] At some point after his takeover of Syria, Ibn Tulun ordered the refortification of Akka, a task undertaken by Abu Bakr al-Banna, the grandfather of al-Muqaddasi, who provides a detailed description of the work.[54][55]

Only then, in April 879, did Ibn Tulun return to Egypt. Abbas fled west with his supporters, and from Barqa tried to take over Ifriqiya. Defeated by the Ifriqiyans (probably in the winter of 880–881), he retreated back east to Alexandria, where he was finally confronted and captured by Ibn Tulun's forces. After being publicly paraded seated on a mule, Ibn Tulun ordered his son to execute or mutilate his companions, who had driven him to rebel. Ibn Tulun reportedly secretly hoped that his son would refuse to do such a dishonourable act, but he agreed. Weeping, Ibn Tulun had Abbas whipped and imprisoned. He then named his second son, Khumarawayh, as his heir-apparent.[56]

最后时光

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Gold dinar of Ahmad ibn Tulun minted in Fustat in 881/2 with names of Abbasid caliph al-Mu'tamid and his Heir, al-Mufawwad

Following his return from Syria, Ibn Tulun added his own name to coins issued by the mints under his control, along with those of the Caliph and heir apparent, al-Mufawwad.[57] In the autumn of 882, the Tulunid general Lu'lu' defected to the Abbasids.[34][58] At the same time, the Tulunid-appointed governor of Tarsus and the Thughur died, and his replacement, Yazaman al-Khadim, with popular backing, refused to acknowledge Tulunid rule.[59] Ibn Tulun immediately left in person for Syria—taking the chained Abbas with him as a precaution—and headed for Tarsus. At Damascus, he received a message from al-Mu'tamid informing him that the by-now nearly powerless Caliph had escaped Samarra and was heading for Syria.[59] Taking custody of al-Mu'tamid would have immensely boosted Ibn Tulun's standing: not only would the sole source of political legitimacy in the Muslim world reside under his control, but he would also be able to pose as the "rescuer" of the Caliph.[57] Ibn Tulun therefore decided to halt and await al-Mu'tamid's arrival. In the event, however, the Caliph was overtaken at al-Haditha on the Euphrates by the governor of Mosul, Ishaq ibn Kundaj, who defeated the caliphal escort and brought him back to Samarra (February 883) and thence south to Wasit, where al-Muwaffaq could better control him.[59][60] This opened anew the rift between the two rulers: al-Muwaffaq nominated Ishaq ibn Kundaj as governor of Egypt and Syria—in reality a largely symbolic appointment—while Ibn Tulun organized an assembly of religious jurists at Damascus which denounced al-Muwaffaq as a usurper, condemned his maltreatment of the Caliph, declared his place in the succession as void, and called for a jihad against him. Only three participants, including the chief qadi of Egypt, Bakkar ibn Qutayba, refused to pronounce the call for jihad publicly. Ibn Tulun had his rival duly denounced in Friday sermons in the mosques across the Tulunid domains, while the Abbasid regent responded in kind with a ritual denunciation of Ibn Tulun.[61] Despite the belligerent rhetoric, however, neither made moves to confront the other militarily.[34][57]

After his failure to take control of the Caliph, Ibn Tulun turned on Tarsus. He appointed Abdallah ibn Fath in Lu'lu's place in Aleppo, and marched in person to Cilicia. The Egyptian ruler laid siege to Tarsus in autumn 883, but Yazaman diverted the local river, inundating the Tulunid camp and forcing Ibn Tulun to retreat. Ibn Tulun fell ill on his return to Egypt, and was carried to Fustat on a wheeled vehicle.[62] In the same year, a campaign to take over the two holy cities of Islam, Mecca and Medina, also failed.[35] Back in Egypt, he ordered Bakkar to be arrested and replaced him with Muhammad ibn Shadhan al-Jawhari. A thorough examination of Bakkar's accounts while head of the charitable endowments, however, revealed no misappropriations. Although Ibn Tulun ordered him released, the elderly and sick qadi refused to leave his cell.[62] At the same time, the illness of Ibn Tulun himself worsened. "Muslims, Christians and Jews, including women and children, converged separately upon the flank of the Muqattam to implore God to save him", as Bianquis writes, but Ibn Tulun died at Fustat on 10 May 884 and was interred on the slopes of the Muqattam.[63] According to al-Balawi, Ibn Tulun left his heir 24,000 servants, 7,000 men and 7,000 horses, 3,000 camels, 1,000 mules, 350 ceremonial horses, and 200 fully equipped warships.[64]

王朝继承与灭亡

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伊本·突伦死后，胡马赖韦在王朝上层的支持下得以平稳继位[65]。 Ibn Tulun bequeathed his heir "with a seasoned military, a stable economy, and a coterie of experienced commanders and bureaucrats". Khumarawayh was able to preserve his authority against the Abbasid attempt to overthrow him at the Battle of Tawahin and even made additional territorial gains, but his extravagant spending exhausted the treasury, and his assassination in 896 began the rapid decline of the Tulunid regime.[66][67] Internal strife sapped Tulunid power. Khumarawayh's son Jaysh was a drunkard who executed his uncle, Mudar ibn Ahmad ibn Tulun; he was deposed after only a few months and replaced by his brother Harun ibn Khumarawayh. Harun too was a weak ruler, and although a revolt by his uncle Rabi'ah in Alexandria was suppressed, the Tulunids were unable to confront the attacks of the Qarmatians which began at the same time. In addition, many commanders defected to the Abbasids, whose power revived under the capable leadership of al-Muwaffaq's son, Caliph al-Mu'tadid (r. 892–902). Finally, in December 904, two other sons of Ibn Tulun, Ali and Shayban, murdered their nephew and assumed control of the Tulunid state. Far from halting the decline, this event alienated key commanders in Syria and led to the rapid and relatively unopposed reconquest of Syria and Egypt by the Abbasids under Muhammad ibn Sulayman al-Katib, who entered Fustat in January 905. With the exception of the great Mosque of Ibn Tulun, the victorious Abbasid troops pillaged al-Qata'i and razed it.[68][69][70]

子女

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根据贝莱维（英语：Al-Balawī）的记载，伊本·突伦的众多妻子与妾侍共为他生下33个孩子，17个是男孩，16个是女孩，此处列出其名录[71]：

  • 儿子：长子阿布·费德勒·阿拔斯（英语：Al-Abbas ibn Ahmad ibn Tulun）、阿布·杰什·胡马赖韦、阿布·阿沙伊尔·穆德尔（Abū al-Ashāʾir Muḍar）、阿布·穆凯莱姆·赖比阿（Abū al-Mukarram Rabīʿah）、阿布·麦盖尼卜·沙伊班（Abū al-Maqānib Shaybān）、阿布·纳希德·利阿德（Abū Nāhiḍ 'Iyāḍ）、阿布·麦阿德·阿德南（Abū Maʿd ʿAdnān）、阿布·凯拉迪斯·凯兹赖杰（Abū al-Karādīs Kazraj）、阿布·海卜顺·阿迪（Abū Ḥabshūn ʿAdī）、阿布·舒贾·金达（Abū Shujāʿ Kindah）、阿布·曼苏尔·艾格拉布（Abū Manṣūr Aghlab）、阿布·莱赫杰·麦塞莱（Abū Lahjah Maysarah）、阿布·贝盖厄·胡达（Abū al-Baqāʾ Hudā）、阿布·穆费韦德·加桑（Abū al-Mufawwaḍ Ghassān）、阿布·费莱杰·穆巴莱克（Abū al-Faraj Mubārak）、阿布·阿卜杜拉·穆罕默德（Abū ʿAbdallāh Muhammad）、阿布·费泰杰·穆扎法尔（Abū al-Fataj Muẓaffar）。
  • 女儿（只列出了15个名字）：法蒂玛（Fāṭimah）、莱米斯（Lamīs）、（一个难以辨识的名字）、塞菲耶（Ṣafiyyah）、哈迪杰（Khadījah）、迈穆奈（Maymūnah）、麦尔耶姆（Maryam）、阿伊莎（ ʿĀʾishah）、乌姆·胡达（Umm al-Hudā）、穆厄米奈（Muʾminah）、阿兹泽（ʿAzīzah）、宰奈卜（Zaynab）、塞马奈（Samānah）、撒拉（Sārah）、古赖莱（Ghurayrah）。

影响

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Map of the fragmented Abbasid empire, with areas still under direct control of the Abbasid central government (dark green) and under autonomous rulers (light green) adhering to nominal Abbasid suzerainty, 约892

虽然突伦王朝国祚不久，但伊本·突伦的统治对埃及甚至整个伊斯兰世界都有着开创性的影响[65]。对埃及来说，伊本·突伦的统治是个转折点，标志着她自法老时代以来第一次摆脱外部帝国的控制，成为一个独立政权的中心[72]。伊本·突伦所控制的土地——埃及、叙利亚、贾兹拉、奇里乞亚乃至马格里布东部的一小部分与东面的穆斯林土地逐渐分离，自成一片政治天地，其边界恰好与古典时期罗马帝国-萨珊波斯的边界相符[65]。为了将埃及建成自己的政治中心，伊本·突伦注重于恢复其经济并建立一套独立的官僚、陆海军体系[35]。这种政策为之后同样以埃及为基地的政权所继续——伊赫什德王朝（935-969年）、法蒂玛王朝（969-1171年）同样利用埃及的资源控制了叙利亚的一部或大部[73][74][75]。who likewise used Egypt's wealth to establish control over parts or even most of Syria. Indeed, as Thierry Bianquis remarks, the territory ruled by Ibn Tulun in Syria was remarkably similar to that controlled by the later Egypt-based regimes of Saladin and the Mamluk Sultanate.[53]

According to the historian Matthew Gordon, Ibn Tulun's relations with, and quest for autonomy from, the Abbasids is a "central problem of Tulunid history". Modern scholars see in Ibn Tulun's policies a "careful balancing act" and notice that he never fully severed himself from the Caliphate, remaining conspicuously loyal to the person of al-Mu'tamid, who, after all, was a powerless figurehead. Nevertheless, the move towards increasing autonomy is evident throughout his reign.[76] His relations with the Abbasid government were dominated by his conflict with al-Muwaffaq, resulting from the latter's attempts to establish control over Egypt—whose wealth was direly needed during the costly war against the Zanj—and prevent the further rise of Ibn Tulun. In a certain sense, writes Matthew Gordon, many of Ibn Tulun's measures "were as much the means by which imperial interests were protected against the ambitions of al-Muwaffaq and his (largely Turkish) military coterie in Iraq as they were efforts to secure Tulunid authority". Given that Ibn Tulun at least twice (in 871 and 875/6) remitted huge sums to the caliphal treasury, it remains an open question whether without the conflict with al-Muwaffaq, this would have been a more regular occurrence.[76]

Nevertheless, in retrospective, Ibn Tulun's role in the wider context of Islamic history is as the herald of the Abbasid Caliphate's disintegration and the rise of local dynasties in the provinces. This became particularly evident with the succession of Khumarawayh: as Thierry Bianquis explains, "this was the first time in Abbasid history with regard to the government of so large and rich a territory, that a wāli, whose legitimacy derived from the caliph who had designated him, was succeeded openly by an amīr who claimed his legitimacy by inheritance".[77] Thus Zaky M. Hassan calls Ibn Tulun a "typical example of the Turkish slaves who from the time of Harun al-Rashid were enlisted in the private service of the caliph and the principal officers of state, and whose ambition and spirit of intrigue and independence [eventually made] them the real masters of Islam".[6]

注释

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  1. ^ 此条目中部分年份或月份是原始记载使用的伊斯兰历法的年与月转为公历而成，会横跨公历的两年、两个月，用“/”标识，下同。

引用

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  1. ^ Swelim 2015，第9–13頁.
  2. ^ See also Swelim 2015，第13–23頁 on modern scholarship regarding Ibn Tulun and his works.
  3. ^ Becker 1987，第190頁.
  4. ^ Gordon 2001，第63頁.
  5. ^ Gordon 2001，第20頁.
  6. ^ 6.00 6.01 6.02 6.03 6.04 6.05 6.06 6.07 6.08 6.09 6.10 Hassan 1960，第278頁.
  7. ^ Gordon 2001，第19–20, 26頁.
  8. ^ Gordon 2001，第15–26頁.
  9. ^ Gordon 2001，第20, 63–64, 238 (note 128)頁.
  10. ^ Gordon 2001，第20, 68–70頁.
  11. ^ Swelim 2015，第26–27頁.
  12. ^ 12.0 12.1 12.2 Gordon 2001，第117頁.
  13. ^ 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 13.4 Bianquis 1998，第95頁.
  14. ^ Swelim 2015，第27–28頁.
  15. ^ 15.0 15.1 Corbet 1891，第529頁.
  16. ^ 16.0 16.1 16.2 Swelim 2015，第28頁.
  17. ^ Becker 1987，第190–191頁.
  18. ^ Corbet 1891，第528頁.
  19. ^ Kennedy 2004，第172, 308頁.
  20. ^ 20.0 20.1 20.2 20.3 20.4 Bianquis 1998，第92頁.
  21. ^ 21.0 21.1 Swelim 2015，第29頁.
  22. ^ Brett 2010，第550–556頁.
  23. ^ Brett 2010，第557頁.
  24. ^ Bianquis 1998，第92–93頁.
  25. ^ Brett 2010，第558頁.
  26. ^ 26.0 26.1 26.2 Bianquis 1998，第93頁.
  27. ^ Cobb 2001，第38–39頁.
  28. ^ Bianquis 1998，第94頁.
  29. ^ Brett 2010，第559頁.
  30. ^ Gil 1997，第300頁.
  31. ^ Cobb 2001，第39–41頁.
  32. ^ Kennedy 2004，第308頁.
  33. ^ 33.0 33.1 33.2 Bianquis 1998，第98頁.
  34. ^ 34.0 34.1 34.2 Becker 1987，第191頁.
  35. ^ 35.0 35.1 35.2 Gordon 2000，第617頁.
  36. ^ Brett 2010，第559–560頁.
  37. ^ Bianquis 1998，第99–100頁.
  38. ^ Corbet 1891，第530–531頁.
  39. ^ Bianquis 1998，第100頁.
  40. ^ 40.0 40.1 40.2 Bianquis 1998，第97頁.
  41. ^ Swelim 2015，第32–33頁.
  42. ^ Kennedy 2004，第206–208頁.
  43. ^ 43.0 43.1 43.2 Brett 2010，第560頁.
  44. ^ 44.0 44.1 44.2 Gordon 2000，第618頁.
  45. ^ Gil 1997，第307頁.
  46. ^ Bianquis 1998，第103頁.
  47. ^ Gil 1997，第308頁.
  48. ^ Bonner 2010，第320–321頁.
  49. ^ Bianquis 1998，第94–95頁.
  50. ^ Bianquis 1998，第95, 98–99頁.
  51. ^ Hassan 1960，第278–279頁.
  52. ^ Corbet 1891，第533頁.
  53. ^ 53.0 53.1 53.2 53.3 Bianquis 1998，第96頁.
  54. ^ Gil 1997，第252頁.
  55. ^ Bianquis 1998，第99頁.
  56. ^ Bianquis 1998，第96–97頁.
  57. ^ 57.0 57.1 57.2 Hassan 1960，第279頁.
  58. ^ Bianquis 1998，第100–101頁.
  59. ^ 59.0 59.1 59.2 Bianquis 1998，第101頁.
  60. ^ Kennedy 2004，第174, 177頁.
  61. ^ Bianquis 1998，第101–102頁.
  62. ^ 62.0 62.1 Bianquis 1998，第102頁.
  63. ^ Bianquis 1998，第102–103頁.
  64. ^ Swelim 2015，第34頁.
  65. ^ 65.0 65.1 65.2 Bianquis 1998，第104頁.
  66. ^ Bianquis 1998，第104–106頁.
  67. ^ Kennedy 2004，第181, 310頁.
  68. ^ Bianquis 1998，第106–108頁.
  69. ^ Gordon 2000，第616–617頁.
  70. ^ Kennedy 2004，第184–185, 310頁.
  71. ^ Al-Balawi 1939，第349頁.
  72. ^ Bianquis 1998，第89頁.
  73. ^ Bianquis 1998，第90頁.
  74. ^ Kennedy 2004，第312ff頁.
  75. ^ Brett 2010，第565ff頁.
  76. ^ 76.0 76.1 Gordon 2000，第617–618頁.
  77. ^ Bianquis 1998，第89–90, 103–104頁.

来源

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延伸阅读

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  • Becker, Carl Heinrich. Beiträge zur Geschichte Ägyptens unter dem Islam 2. Strasbourg: Karl J. Trübner. 1903 （德语）. 
  • Bonner, Michael. Ibn Ṭūlūn's Jihad: The Damascus Assembly of 269/883. Journal of the American Oriental Society. 2010, 130 (4): 573–605. ISSN 0003-0279. JSTOR 23044559. 
  • Gordon, Matthew S. [[[:Template:Gbook]] Aḥmad ibn Ṭūlūn and the Politics of Deference] 请检查|chapter-url=值 (帮助). Behnam Sadeghi; et al (编). Islamic Cultures, Islamic Contexts: Essays in Honor of Professor Patricia Crone. Leiden and Boston: BRILL. 2015: 226–256. ISBN 978-90-04-25201-1. 
  • Grabar, Oleg. [[[:Template:Gbook]] The coinage of the Ṭūlūnids] 请检查|url=值 (帮助). ANS Numismatic Notes and Monographs 139. New York: American Numismatic Society. 1957. LCCN 58014523. 
  • Hassan, Zaky M. Les Tulunides, étude de l'Égypte musulmane à la fin du IXe siècle, 868–905. University of Paris. 1933 （法语）. 
  • Kashif, Sayyida Isma'll. Ahmad b. Tulun. Cairo: Mu'assasat al-Misnya al-'Amma. 1965 （阿拉伯语）. 
  • Randa, Ernest William Jr. The Tulunid Dynasty in Egypt: Loyalty and state formation during the dissolution of the 'Abbasid caliphate (学位论文). University of Utah. 1990. OCLC 34361121. 
  • Tillier, Mathieu. The Qāḍīs of Fusṭāṭ–Miṣr under the Ṭūlūnids and the Ikhshīdids: the Judiciary and Egyptian Autonomy. Journal of the American Oriental Society. 2011, 131: 207–222. 
  • Tillier, Mathieu. Dans les prisons d’Ibn Ṭūlūn. Pinon, Catherine (编). Savants, amants, poètes et fous. Séances offertes à Katia Zakharia. Beirut: Presses de l’Ifpo. 2019: 233–251. ISBN 978-2-35159752-1 （French）. 
前任者：
Azjur al-Turki
為governor of Egypt for the Abbasid Caliphate 		Tulunid emir of Egypt (de jure for the Abbasid Caliphate,
de facto autonomous)
15 September 868 – 10 May 884 		繼任者：
Khumarawayh ibn Ahmad ibn Tulun
前任者：
Amajur al-Turki
為governor of Syria for the Abbasid Caliphate 		Tulunid emir of Syria (de jure for the Abbasid Caliphate,
de facto autonomous)
877/8 – 10 May 884
检索自“https://zh.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:Dkzzl/沙盒4&oldid=72169293”