祭祀
祭祀,(对应英语:sacrifice(祭)、ritual(祀);韩语:제사)演变自中国古代“牺牲”仪式,是指以线香、酒水、肉类、蔬果、布帛和玉(传统儒教祭祀)等供品向神灵、圣徒或者亡魂奉献、祈祷的一种行为。现代祭祀一般没有供奉活物、烧化祭等有一定原始崇拜性质的仪式。
祭祀 | |
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朝鲜语名称 | |
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谚文 | 제사 |
英语名称 | |
英语 | Sacrifice Ritua Jesal |
作为文化融合的一部分,儒家文化中的祭祀除了宗教层面外,也有纪念的意义。通常是纪念死去的先祖,[1]但儒家也认为,凡是有利于人类生存和发展的人或物,都可以列入祭祀对象。[2]东亚的天主教徒、佛教徒和无宗教信仰者受儒家文化影响,有时也会进行一定的祭祀活动[3],典型一例即是17-18世纪天主教传教士因祭祀礼仪问题导致的中国礼仪之争。在第二次梵蒂冈大公会议(1962-1965)上,祭祖祭孔被正式认可,成为天主教教义的一部分[3],但现代基督徒,特别是基督新教信徒,已不再祭祖或祭孔。[4][5]
内容
编辑与牺牲的关联
编辑许多祭祀仪式会涉及牺牲。依据牺牲种类不同,主要可分为动物祭(英语:animal sacrifice)和人祭(英语:human sacrifice,强调其谋杀性质时称为ritual murder),依据祭品是否死亡以及死亡方式,可分为一般性祭品、自杀祭(英语:ritual suicide)、仪式性自残以及活祭(生祭)。
现代亚洲汉字文化圈只有动物祭。
祭神与祭祖在仪式上的区别
编辑虽然同为祭祀,但是祭祀神灵与祭祀祖先,在仪式上并不相同。以浙江省岱山县的民俗为例,祭祀神灵(如年神)时祭桌为东西朝向(即桌缝东西向),而祭祖时南北向;祭祖时祭桌上摆设较固定,朝南或朝大门方向的上香,其它三面各摆四筷四酒四饭,上3*4共十二碗菜以上,而祭神时,通常是香烛南向,北向并排由桌沿(北)向南摆放6茶6酒。
汉字文化圈祭祀
编辑汉族的祭祀文化历史悠久,而多个与汉族关系密切的民族也继承汉族的祭祀文化。
古中国
编辑在商、周时代,贵族有一套非常复杂且等级森严的祭祀制度,垄断与神灵沟通的权力。只有王才有权力与资源召集宗室、铸造礼器,所以祭祀也可以被用来展示王统治的合法性。张光直在他的著作《美术、神话与祭祀》中认为,古代中国统治阶级的政治权威正是演变自祭祀。仪式发展成维系社会运作的法律,举办祭祀的祠堂同时也是处理政事、调解和审判的殿堂[6]。即使后来封建制度瓦解,新的统治者---皇帝依然会举行祭祀。
商代祭祀的对象有自然万物和王室的祖先。部分学者认为商代原始多神教信仰中并不存在真正意义上的至高神的概念,而是以万物崇拜为主,“上帝”、“天”在卜辞中只是“不为尧存,不为桀亡”的自然规律而不直接干预人间事务,故而殷人只祭祀祖先神和自然神,对最高神“帝”是只贞问而不祭祀的态度。[7][8][9]与其他农业文明不同,商代也很少祭祀太阳或月亮,而更重视河神,会将祭品丢入河中淹死或埋在河岸[10]。至于祖先崇拜,王室相信祖先能够影响天气、战争结果和作物收成[11],进而威胁国家存亡,所以会祭祀祖先、在丰收或打胜仗时举行感恩祭[12]。假如王室成员关系不合、不遵守仪式规范、触犯禁忌或社会腐败时,可能会触怒祖先而导致天灾人祸,王室成员生病也会被视为祖先的惩罚[13]。王室还相信王朝的创立者商汤死后会继续关注国家,所以商汤经常成为祭祀的焦点[14]。祭祀是商王的主要职责(商王可能掌控了一群专业的祭司,或者他自己就是一名萨满[15][16]),因此商王会举办狩猎以取得祭祀所需要的资源,并把祭祀和战争都看作是最重要的事务之一[17],东周的刘康公则说“国之大事,在祀与戎”,这是周人对商人观念的继承,也是整个先秦社会的常态。[18]祭祀在某种程度上带动了华夏文明早期的生产活动,商代许多文明成就都与祭祀有关,如甲骨文、礼器等。
周朝的祭祀规格由高而低为太牢、少牢、特牲、特豕、特豚、鱼、腊、豆等。太牢礼原本只有天子可以使用,但自从汉高祖以太牢之礼祭孔子之后[19],现代的祭孔大典也会使用太牢礼。在祭祀上,从周武王开始设立了专门的籍田以祭祀“天帝”,并用栗木建造土地神的神位来“使民战栗”。[20][21]这些均为周代神道设教的重要体现,宗教由最初的原始性转变成专门为王权服务的工具,也为后世所效仿例如天子所专享的祭天、祭祀泰山等。[22][23][7][8][9]
儒家把西周以来的“天”、“天命”视为至上的一元崇拜,墨家的宗教信仰则更接近于西周之前的多神教下“天”、“地祇(自然神)”和“人鬼(祖先神)”并重的局面。而从原始社会后期到商周时期的祭祀中有时会使用人牲,通常以战俘为主,到了春秋战国时期,随着社会思潮变化,诸子百家几乎都批评当时的人祭现象。儒家主张恢复周朝的祭祀制度(但不恢复人祭),在儒家经典(如礼记)中有详细的研究与记载,但目的由安抚鬼神转化为教化人民与维护社会秩序。继承了殷商政治宗教观念的墨家也重视对鬼神的祭祀(也不恢复人祭),例如墨子主张“御乎祭祀,以致孝于亲”[24]、“人之鬼、非人也。兄之鬼、兄也。祭人之鬼、非祭人也。祭兄之鬼、乃祭兄也。”[25],但墨家为了避免浪费社会资源因而主张节约祭品和节葬[26]。
近现代
编辑中华人民共和国在文革之后,长期处于祭祀的真空期,至1990年代初才慢慢恢复部分祭祀活动,近年来,很多祭礼又重新恢复,不过在城市生活的人普遍不会主动参加祭祀活动。而台湾则保持了长期的祭祀传统,也保留了一套较为完整的祭礼,如妈祖、观音妈、关公、王爷公、祖师公、上帝公、土地公、太子爷、国姓爷等佛、道教神灵都依照时令节庆祭拜,也有大成至圣先师的祭祀。
东亚各地至今仍保留大量的传统祭祀。日本本土、日本琉球、韩国、台澎金马和越南等等、等除了从中国传入的中国节日祭祀外,也在当地发展出不少本土文化的祭祀仪式。
相关
编辑参考文献
编辑- ^ Takashima, Ken-ichi; Xiaobing Wang-Riese and Thomas O. Höllmann. Wiesbaden: Otto. Jisi 祭祀: A Reconstruction of the Ji Sacrifice and the Si Ritual in Ancient China. Time and Ritual in Early China. 2009: pp. 33–68.
- ^ 张岂之. 传统文化独特的自我创新之路,( 2014年12月22日16 版). 光明网. 清华大学近春园. [2020-02-18]. (原始内容存档于2021-03-13).
- ^ 3.0 3.1 Kuiper, Kathleen. Chinese Rites Controversy (Roman Catholicism) -- Britannica Online Encyclopedia. Encyclopedia Britannica. 2006-08-31 [2013-02-19]. (原始内容存档于2020-11-23).
The continuing controversy involved leading universities in Europe, was considered by eight popes and by the Kangxi emperor...
- ^ Suh, Sharon A., Being Buddhist in a Christian World: Gender and Community in a Korean American Temple, University of Washington Press: 49, 2004, ISBN 0-295-98378-7
- ^ Kwon, Okyun. Buddhist and protestant Korean immigrants: religious beliefs and socioeconomic aspects of life. LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC. 2003: 137–138. ISBN 978-1-931202-65-7.
- ^ Herbert Plutschow. Archaic Chinese Sacrificial Practices in the Light of Generative Anthropology. Anthropoetics. 1996 [2021-07-22]. (原始内容存档于2021-02-24) (英语).
The kind of archeological evidence as summarized above strongly suggests that the Shang state was held together by ritual. Ritual rules and obligations were in fact law, the legal system developing out of ritual as in other cultures. The ancestral temple was the center of ritual and therefore the center of state affairs.
- ^ 7.0 7.1 晁福林《论殷代神权》,《中国社会科学》1990年第1期
- ^ 8.0 8.1 晁福林《先秦社会最高权力的变迁及其影响因素》,《中国社会科学》2015年第2期
- ^ 9.0 9.1 晁福林《说商代的“天”和“帝”》,《史学集刊》2016年第3期
- ^ Herbert Plutschow. Archaic Chinese Sacrificial Practices in the Light of Generative Anthropology. Anthropoetics. 1996 [2021-07-22]. (原始内容存档于2021-02-24) (英语).
Unlike other ancient agricultural states, no sacrifice was ever offered to the sun or the moon. Instead, the river god Ho played an important part in ancient Chinese ritual, requiring his own set of animal and human sacrifices which were sunk, or buried on the river banks.
- ^ Herbert Plutschow. Archaic Chinese Sacrificial Practices in the Light of Generative Anthropology. Anthropoetics. 1996 [2021-07-22]. (原始内容存档于2021-02-24) (英语).
Royal ancestors were believed to control the weather and the welfare (peace, harmony, etc.) of the state. They had the power to influence the course of nature.
- ^ Herbert Plutschow. Archaic Chinese Sacrificial Practices in the Light of Generative Anthropology. Anthropoetics. 1996 [2021-07-22]. (原始内容存档于2021-02-24) (英语).
Also, these ancestors were thanked for good weather and harvests and for victory in battle, all in “thanksgiving” sacrifice.
- ^ Herbert Plutschow. Archaic Chinese Sacrificial Practices in the Light of Generative Anthropology. Anthropoetics. 1996 [2021-07-22]. (原始内容存档于2021-02-24) (英语).
Conversely, the humans therefore blamed them for droughts, bad harvests, enemy invasions, or, for the curses they inflict upon the members of the elite. The role the Chinese attributed to their ancestors follows universal patterns. When social ills began to proliferate and clan relationships to crumble, when ritual was neglected and taboo broken, the ancestors were allegedly displeased with the living and caused natural disasters, nightmares, social disharmony and other ills.
- ^ Herbert Plutschow. Archaic Chinese Sacrificial Practices in the Light of Generative Anthropology. Anthropoetics. 1996 [2021-07-22]. (原始内容存档于2021-02-24) (英语).
The royal family worshipped the founder of the dynasty as an ancestor who continued to have an interest in its maintenance and, therefore, continued to be the center of attention.
- ^ 张光直. Art, Myth, and Ritual:The Path to Political Authority in Ancient China. USA: Harvard University Press. 1988-10-15: 45. ISBN 9780674048089 (英语).
- ^ Herbert Plutschow. Archaic Chinese Sacrificial Practices in the Light of Generative Anthropology. Anthropoetics. 1996 [2021-07-22]. (原始内容存档于2021-02-24) (英语).
Oracle-bone inscription indeed suggest that Shang kings danced and foretold the future, two activities which, in many archaic cultures, were the domains of shamans. It is possible, however, that such report was based on the activities of “professional” shamans under the king’s control.
- ^ Herbert Plutschow. Archaic Chinese Sacrificial Practices in the Light of Generative Anthropology. Anthropoetics. 1996 [2021-07-22]. (原始内容存档于2021-02-24) (英语).
Among the kings’ most important functions were sacrificial ritual, and ritual-related war and hunting, understood, among others, as a state-unifying, ritual action in search of sacrificial supply.
- ^ 《左传·成公十三年》
- ^ 曲阜祭孔大典. 搜狐文化. [2021-07-23]. (原始内容存档于2020-02-16).
汉高祖刘邦过鲁,以“太牢”祭祀孔子,开历代帝王祭孔之先河。
- ^ 《论语·八佾》:“哀公问社于宰我。宰我对曰:“夏后氏以松,殷人以柏,周人以栗,曰:使民战栗。”子闻之,曰:“成事不说,遂事不谏,既往不咎。””
- ^ 《清华简·系年》
- ^ 谢乃和,付瑞珣《从清华简《系年》看“千亩之战”及相关问题》
- ^ 雷晓鹏:从清华简《系年》看周宣王“不籍千亩”的真相,《农业考古》,2014,(4)
- ^ 《墨子·节葬下》
- ^ 《墨子·小取》
- ^ 孙君恒, 刘娣. 墨子的祭礼论[J]. 东岳论丛, 2012(9):5.